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U.S. Department of State Daily Press Briefing #30, 98-03-10

U.S. State Department: Daily Press Briefings Directory - Previous Article - Next Article

From: The Department of State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) at <http://www.state.gov>


958

U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing

I N D E X

Tuesday, March 10, 1998

Briefer: James B. Foley

DEPARTMENT/STATEMENTS
1		Second plenary session of Four Party Talks to begin in
		  Geneva on March 16/Background briefing on Four Party
		  Talks on Wednesday, March 11 
1		Restoration of Pres. Kabbah and democratically-elected
		  government in Sierra Leone
1		Amb. Roberts Owen to serve as the senior federal negotiator
		  for pacific salmon talks
1		50th anniversary of the death of Czech FM Masaryk
10-12		Investigation into the disappearance of sensitive documents
		  from the Executive Secretary's office
14		Possibility of a special press briefing on Kosovo upon
		  Amb. Gelbard's return

FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA (FRY) 1-4 U.S. knowledge of reported Russian arms transfers to Serbia/Russian commitment to the Contact Group agreement on UN Security Council consideration of an arms embargo against FRY 2,5 Ten day period for FRY government to implement actions called for by Contact Group 5 Time-frame for an arbitration decision on Brcko by Amb. Owens 5-6,7 Amb. Gelbard's comments on terrorist acts of the Kosovo Liberation Army 6,7,13-14 Comparison of U.S. policy on the situation of Kosovar Albanians in FRY and the situation of the Kurds in Turkey and Iraq 7-8,13 Expiration date of the UN force in Federal Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia/Funding for the continuation of the UN force 14-15 Announcement of Jim Swigert as Deputy Special Representative to Amb. Gelbard

RUSSIA 8-9 Investigation into the use of U.S.-made high-performance computers in Russia 9-10 Discussion during the ongoing meeting of the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission of ratification of the START II treaty

EGYPT 12-13 Derogatory depiction of U.S. Amb. Kurtzer in a cartoon

SAUDI ARABIA 13,15 Health of King Fahd

INDONESIA 14 Re-election of Pres. Suharto

COLOMBIA 15 Congressional elections over the weekend

CUBA 16 Canadian FM Axworthy's comments on the effects of the economic embargo


U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
OFF-CAMERA DAILY PRESS BRIEFING

DPB #30

TUESDAY, MARCH 10, 1998, 1:00 P.M.
(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)

MR. FOLEY: I have just a few announcements before we turn to your heated questions. First, the second plenary session of the four-party peace talks involving the US, the Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea will begin in Geneva on March 16, as you know. This will be preceded by a preliminary meeting in Geneva on March 14. In view of this upcoming event, a background briefing on the four- party talks by a senior State Department official will take place here in the briefing room tomorrow at 2:00 p.m.

Secondly, the United States welcomes the return of President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah to Freetown, and the restoration of the democratically-elected constitutional government there. We commend the Sierra Leonean people for their commitment to the principles of democracy and freedom. The United States lauds the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, including Nigeria, Guinea, Ghana, Cote d'Ivoire and Liberia, in bringing a peaceful solution to the crisis in Sierra Leone. The United States looks forward to working with the government of President Kabbah and the international community to address the pressing needs of Sierra Leone and its people as they begin to rebuild their country.

We have already posted, I believe, the announcement that Ambassador Roberts Owen is going to serve as the federal - senior federal negotiator for Pacific salmon. And finally, we'll be posting a statement commemorating the death of the late Czech Foreign Minister Jan Masaryk on March 10, 1948, 50 years ago today.

QUESTION: This may be clear in London, but at least it isn't clear to me. Could you tell us whether Russia is going to go ahead, has a green light to go ahead with a very large arms deal with Serbia? Or is this off the boards now, because of the increased sanctions?

MR. FOLEY: Well, first of all, Barry, as you know, the participants on the US side in the important Contact Group meeting yesterday in London have not returned to the United States. The Secretary's party, of course, is now in Canada, having passed through Spain en route yesterday; and Ambassador Gelbard is currently in Kosovo. So we haven't had a fulsome read-out, and I will be unable to probably satisfy all of your questions.

But clearly in London yesterday, Russia joined the other members of the Contact Group in agreeing that the Security Council would consider a comprehensive arms embargo against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, including Kosovo. So we fully expect that this issue will now be brought to the Security Council, perhaps in the days to come; and that if there is a resolution passed in this regard, that Russia will abide by that Security Council agreement if that's what takes place.

QUESTION: Do you happen to know - I know they're on the road - but is the US preference that even old contracts not be fulfilled?

MR. FOLEY: We're looking to exert the maximum pressure on President Milosevic now, to ensure that he gets the message that there is a significant price to pay for the repression that has occurred inside Kosovo. Clearly, our goal is to see a cessation of the repression. And if you look at the Contact Group's statement yesterday, it offered the possibility that the punitive measures that were decided yesterday and the prospect of further punitive measures in the next couple of weeks could be reversed if he reversed course and withdrew the forces of repression from Kosovo and began an honest dialogue with the political leadership in Kosovo towards meeting the legitimate political rights and grievances of the Kosovar-Albanians.

So the ball is very much on Mr. Milosevic's side of the court, and we await his actions over the next two weeks. As you know, there's another Contact Group meeting scheduled for March 25th in Washington, at which time we'll have the opportunity to assess whether he's heeded the call of the international community.

QUESTION: Isn't that, with all due respect, a little naive, considering what happened the last time you lifted sanctions? Then you had the bloody actions in Kosovo. I don't know why I would think of Iraq at the same time, but isn't your experience with Milosevic such that he should have to do a lot of things before you would consider making his life easier?

MR. FOLEY: Well, we've had long experience with President Milosevic, ever since the Balkan crisis erupted some seven, eight years ago. The question was posed to me on Thursday - our view of what was going on inside his head concerning these latest events. I offered the answer that he has shown himself at times to be an able tactician, but not someone with a long-range vision of what's in the best interest of his people.

However, we have seen him change course in the past; and I think it's indisputable that his participation was essential to the successful completion of the Dayton accords. And his episodic cooperation with implementation of Dayton has, at times, been critical to achieving progress in Bosnia - most notably with the recent coming to power of the reform- minded, pro-Dayton government in the Republika Srpska. So he has demonstrated an ability to change course and to cooperate when it's in his interest - when he sees it in his interest to do so.

The aim of the international community, as expressed in London yesterday, was to bring home to him that it is in his interest to cooperate with the international community to end the repression and to institute a far- ranging dialogue with the Kosovar-Albanian leadership. That's exactly, Barry, what we're about - is to make it in his interest to do so.

QUESTION: Jim, what can you say about exactly how much arms the Russians have put into Serbia in the last few months?

MR. FOLEY: Unfortunately, I don't have information on that. I did check, and we don't have that available.

QUESTION: You - I presume that you know - I mean, you've got, or you supposedly had terrific intelligence about what's going on in that whole region. So I'm assuming that you just don't want to say.

MR. FOLEY: Well, I did ask the question; I was told that we have no information -specific information -- regarding arms transfers by Russia to the FRY. I mean, Barry asked the question a minute ago as to whether this might be prospective in nature; and certainly we want to see the arms spigot shut down, especially if there is no progress over the next two weeks. So the focus will be in New York as we discuss Security Council action in this regard.

QUESTION: Do you know or does the United States believe that Russia has at least put arms, new arms into --

MR. FOLEY: I don't have that information now, and I'm not trying to evade or avoid your question. I don't have it. I asked and was told we didn't have that information. I'd be happy to go back and continue to see whether we do have any information that wasn't readily available this morning. It's a question that's going to be with us, I think, over the next days because this is going to be the focus of Security Council scrutiny and, we hope, action.

So it's a legitimate question. I'm not sure we have that information. I would urge you to talk to the FRY and the Russian authorities in this regard in the first instance.

QUESTION: The United States is leading the effort that has 31,000 troops in Bosnia or in the region, and is keeping, supposedly, a watchful eye on it. And if you don't sort of have a handle on arms transfers into Serbia, I would be shocked, frankly.

MR. FOLEY: Well, I won't repeat ad nauseam my answer, Carol, but I agreed to keep the question under review.

QUESTION: I don't understand your answer to Barry's earlier question. What did the Russians agree to in London - that they would cease new arms sales, or stop everything, including what's in the pipeline?

MR. FOLEY: Well, first of all, I won't bore you with all the details, and I'm sure you've seen the Contact Group's statement, which we can make available if you don't have it. But in the first instance, there was a whole series of measures having to do with what I think is called preventive diplomacy - allowing the international community, in one form or another, access to the situation in the ground in an attempt to meet some of the humanitarian needs of the people there, in an attempt to deter further violence, in an attempt to assess human rights violations. For example, we've called on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to assess the events of the last week.

So there's a series of diplomatic steps that the Contact Group agreed to, that Russia agreed to, as well. I could read them to you; there were at least eight, I believe. Secondly, the members of the Contact Group took four immediate concrete steps to which Russia associated itself to two of them and reserved judgment on the other two. But the two that Russia associated itself with included first, Security Council consideration of a comprehensive arms embargo, as indicated; and secondly, a refusal on the part of the Contact Group members to supply equipment to the FRY which might be used for internal repression or for terrorism.

Now, the other two items that Russia did not - at least in London yesterday - agree to involve denial of visas for senior FRY and Serbian representatives responsible for repressive action by FRY security forces in Kosovo. I would argue, most notably, the fourth specific action that was taken by the Contact Group members minus Russia is perhaps one of the most significant decisions taken yesterday. I would argue that this decision was not - would not be substantially undermined by the failure of Russia to associate itself with it, because it involves a moratorium on government-financed export credit support for trade and investment, including government financing for privatizations in Serbia.

The fact that the United States, together with the other Contact Group members minus Russia, have agreed to this measure is very significant, because this has been the principal source of income for Milosevic - the sale of state-owned properties, using government-financed credit from abroad. So if you're talking about making life more difficult for Milosevic, we believe that that is an item that will impact significantly on his ability to revive the Yugoslav economy; on his ability to finance the repression; on his ability to achieve the integration - the re-integration into the world economic system that he so ardently desires and which the actions of the last week have undermined substantially.

QUESTION: I think you don't want to answer the question, but let me ask it more specifically. What was the Russian position at London on arms -- an immediate cessation of all arms deliveries, or just a cessation on new contracts?

MR. FOLEY: Well, I read to you the relevant statement. I'll read it again. UN Security Council consideration of a comprehensive arms embargo against the FRY, including Kosovo. That's clear - that the forum for decision is the Security Council; that we expect this to be taken up soon in the days to come, principally because President Milosevic has been placed under notice that he has about two weeks - until March 25 - to show, to implement the demands of the international community expressed in London.

QUESTION: My question was more specific than that. What was the Russian position in London?

MR. FOLEY: To agree to Security Council consideration of a comprehensive arms embargo against the FRY.

QUESTION: You talk about the ball being in Milosevic's court and the fact that he's been placed on notice and that you're waiting for these punitive measures to take effect. But aren't you worried that while you wait and sit on the sidelines, this situation has a better likelihood of turning into another Bosnia and the atrocities are going to grow?

MR. FOLEY: I would disagree with the premise of your question, and I agree that it's a relevant question. But the whole purpose of the Contact Group meeting yesterday in London, as expressed by Secretary Albright at the conclusion of that conference, was precisely to draw the lessons of Bosnia, when the international community temporized, undertook half- measures and was constantly, until 1995, behind the curve of events in Bosnia. She drew the parallel herself and argued, I think successfully, to her colleagues in London that we needed to learn the lessons of Bosnia and arrest the prospect of ethnic cleansing, of destabilizing and spreading violence before events got out of control.

And she expressed her satisfaction with the results of the London meeting. Milosevic is on notice; some severe measures have already been agreed to and will begin to pinch; and he's got about two weeks to show that he's heard the message and that he undertakes the kinds of steps - such as removing repressive forces and beginning a dialogue -- to avoid the prospects of further biting sanctions two weeks down the road.

QUESTION: So there's no concern that two weeks is a lot of time for him, and you're giving him maybe a little more time than he deserves?

MR. FOLEY: I'm sure that two weeks is a reasonable amount of time to judge whether or not he has gotten the message and reversed course.

QUESTION: The fact that Roberts Owen is now going to be doing Pacific salmon, what does that say about the Brcko matter?

MR. FOLEY: It says that the Brcko matter, as I understand it, is due to be adjudicated by Ambassador Owen, I believe, on Sunday of this week - some five days hence.

QUESTION: And that will the end of it? You expect a final decision on Brcko then?

MR. FOLEY: I have no information as to the nature of his decision. We'll have to await that decision on Sunday.

QUESTION: This is a question that may have been asked before, and I apologize in advance. Is it the Administration's official position that the Kosovo Liberation Army is a terrorist group?

MR. FOLEY: No, we've not taken that decision. What we have said is that specific acts - terrorist acts - have been committed in Kosovo over the last weeks and months, perhaps. But we've not made that determination.

QUESTION: So if I can follow up, if that was said by a US official in a public forum, that would be - if a State Department official said that the Kosovo Liberation Army is a terrorist group, he would be wrong or stating his own opinion or --

MR. FOLEY: Well, I really don't know what you're talking about.

QUESTION: If Robert Gelbard said that in a public forum, would that be incorrect? Would he be --

MR. FOLEY: My understanding is what he has said is that there have been terrorist acts committed by this group. To make a determination, as the Secretary must, about the status of groups as terrorist organizations or not, requires a significant amount of study, of legal analysis, of judgment over time to make that kind of an assessment.

QUESTION: What is the US position vis-a-vis to this organization - the KLA - finally? What is your position?

MR. FOLEY: I just answered that question.

QUESTION: Okay. Why your government, with the same token, has not criticized Ankara, too, which is fighting millions of Kurdish people in the southeast of Turkey? Why this policy of partiality vis-a-vis to Serbia and Turkey on behalf of your government? Why is Serbia on that course, in Yugoslavia but not Turkey? Could you please clarify the difference between the two cases?

MR. FOLEY: Well, in terms of human rights in Turkey, we have an ongoing dialogue with the Turkish Government about the human rights situation in Turkey. Prime Minister Yilmaz was here to see the President. This was a central feature of their discussion. Prime Minister Yilmaz described to the President a significant action plan on human rights over the course of 1998. Assistant Secretary of State John Shattuck was in Turkey over the last month and had a very productive series of meetings on this subject.

QUESTION: There have been so many massive killings in the past. Why your government has not taken the same position in the case of Serbia? Why?

MR. FOLEY: I can't accept the comparison. As I said, we have a significant human rights agenda with the Turkish Government, which we continue to pursue with them. In Kosovo, the fact of the matter is that there has been no movement on the side of Belgrade to meet the legitimate political grievances of the Kosovar-Albanians; and this failure to engage in an honest and productive dialogue is at the root of the instability in Kosovo. And for the Yugoslav authorities to claim the existence of terrorist acts as a pretext for the kinds of shocking and outrageous repression that has been occurring there is hypocritical, when, in fact, responsibility ultimately is at their doorstep for failing to engage in serious dialogue with the Kosovar-Albanians.

QUESTION: -- description of the KLA. Isn't somebody who commits terrorist acts by definition a terrorist?

MR. FOLEY: If someone commits a terrorist act, he or she is a terrorist. I can accept that definition.

QUESTION: So both Mr. Gelbard and yourself have accepted the fact that the KLA has committed terrorist acts, but you're not sure if they are a terrorist organization.

MR. FOLEY: Well, I explained, and I've already answered the question that in order for the United States Government to make such a determination requires time, requires legal analysis. We're talking about events that have occurred over the last few weeks. We're not in a position to make that determination.

There have been terrorist acts committed against innocent civilians. We're not denying that in any way. But let's look at the larger picture here. What's really happening is that Belgrade has refused to engage in a dialogue over the future status of Kosovo - a status that would meet the legitimate political needs of the people there. That is the root cause of the instability; and it is hypocritical for Belgrade to claim that as a pretext to try to excuse the outrageous repression that's occurred there in the last few weeks.

QUESTION: Why doesn't the United States and the Contact Group apply the same rules which they applied to Iraq when they made ethnic cleansing - closing the north, for example, the Kurdish area is a non-flying zone and the south the same thing? Why did these Western countries not think about the same rule and regulation for the southern part of the Kosovo part of Serbia?

MR. FOLEY: Well, I'm not going to get into, in a public forum, what we may or may not be thinking about. We believe that first, we've got Mr. Milosevic's attention as a result of the Contact Group meeting yesterday. He has two weeks to demonstrate that he's gotten the message and that he's willing to take acts to diffuse the situation. So we're going to be watching carefully developments over the next two weeks.

QUESTION: -- on Russia, sort of?

MR. FOLEY: Sure, is this still connected with - oh, sorry, Carol.

QUESTION: On the Contact Group statement, there was a reference to the UN force in Macedonia and the need to either consider expanding the mandate or reconsidering. I wondered if you have any views on what should happen to that force?

MR. FOLEY: Well, you're right, there was a reference to the situation in Macedonia. We believe that the UN force called UNPREDEP has helped the southward spread of conflict in the former Yugoslavia by deploying US and Nordic troops to patrol and monitor conditions along the Macedonian border.

Now, the UNPREDEP mandate is said to expire on August 31, but we believe conditions in the region are such that the international community cannot turn its back on Macedonia now. We must make certain that there is no security vacuum after August 31. Last week's violence in Kosovo - which, of course, borders Macedonia - and the Serbian Government's refusal to demarcate their border with Macedonia show the need for continued international military presence in Macedonia, as was agreed by the Contact Group yesterday.

QUESTION: Will you be asking Congress to fund the United Nations - (inaudible) --

MR. FOLEY: We've not made any decision at this point -- the mandate doesn't expire until the end of August - as to what kind of international military presence might remain. The Contact Group referred to that consideration be given to adapting the current UNPREDEP mandate. So it's premature to speculate on what that might be, Sid, but certainly we will be discussing with Congress down the road what we think that kind of international military presence might need to be.

QUESTION: So you're saying you might withdraw the American troops, then, depending --

MR. FOLEY: I'm not saying anything one way or the other. I'm just saying that the Contact Group agreed that there needed to be an ongoing international military presence in Kosovo - in Macedonia.

QUESTION: You're not saying that the Clinton Administration's commitment is such that American troops will stay there one way or the other?

MR. FOLEY: I'm not prejudging the outcome of discussions that we're going to be having with our partners in the international community. It's now March 10; the mandate expires, I believe, at the end of August. We have some time to discuss that.

QUESTION: Can I ask you about The Washington Times report that the US Embassy in Moscow has reported that the Russians are obstructing an investigation of whether super-computers made in the United States are being used in a nuclear program?

MR. FOLEY: I don't have a lot of details about that report, except that I believe it was generally accurate that under that treaty there was an attempt made to seek Russian cooperation that did not succeed. But we don't believe that that avenue or channel, if you will, is the end of the line in terms of our efforts. We continue to have a number of discussions at various levels with the Russians to find a mutually satisfactory solution regarding the high-performance computers in question.

The request that was reported is one step of many in an ongoing process. We intend to revisit this issue with the Russians, and we will urge them to reconsider. This matter is also the subject of an ongoing investigation by the Department of Commerce and the US Customs Service under the direction of the US Attorney's office. But we don't provide specific information about ongoing investigations.

QUESTION: All you're asking to reconsider. You speak of the general situation. So I'll go ahead and see if I can break this down. They said this is the second time. What are you asking them to reconsider - I know you say it's only one channel, but are you asking Russia to reconsider the lack of cooperation or their renewed lack of cooperation?

MR. FOLEY: To reconsider the decision on providing access to the computers.

QUESTION: And can I ask you, while we're here - while Gore and Chernomyrdin are here, two things? Is this --

MR. FOLEY: I probably won't be able to help you a lot about the meetings which are currently taking place.

QUESTION: No, no, but you might know if this issue is going to be taken up or is being taken up. These computers - Russian-American cooperation --

MR. FOLEY: The Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission covers a broad array of subjects, as you know. Export controls is one of those, and it could come up in that context.

QUESTION: This morning's homilies didn't do much to tell us what's going on here, and I suppose we have to wait until tomorrow afternoon, but --

MR. FOLEY: What religious ceremonies are you referring to?

QUESTION: Well, about the wonderful relationship between the US and Russia, which is manifest every day in such stories as the lack of cooperation in super-computers. Do you think this will wind up with another declaration that the Duma's going to ratify the START treaty?

MR. FOLEY: Barry, I wouldn't want to --

QUESTION: Because we've heard it for about two-and-a-half years now.

MR. FOLEY: I would not want to anticipate what may or may not be announced tomorrow at the conclusion of the Commission meeting.

QUESTION: Is the US going to push for it again?

MR. FOLEY: Well, it's something that we are constantly discussing with the Russians. And from President Yeltsin on down, they've told us that ratification of START II in the Duma is a high government priority that they continue to push for.

QUESTION: Are we disappointed it hasn't been - is the US disappointed it hasn't been ratified?

MR. FOLEY: We would like it to be ratified as soon as possible.

QUESTION: Following my distinguished colleague, I may only have two or three dozen questions, but anyway - would you bring us up to speed on --

MR. FOLEY: Which colleague?

QUESTION: Is this your annual visit to us?

QUESTION: Yes, Barry, it is, thank you.

MR. FOLEY: It sounds like the Senate. It's a change in the briefing room.

QUESTION: Jim, would you bring us up to date on the apparent theft of the classified documents? Tell us what you can, and I may have a question or two follow-up.

MR. FOLEY: Well, you won't be surprised there's very little I can say about an ongoing investigation. We take the incident seriously, and we're cooperating fully with the investigation. Additional security measures are being taken in the Department as result of the incident. In addition, we are accelerating an overall review of security measures in the Department to see if additional measures would be appropriate. But as there is an ongoing investigation, I certainly cannot comment on the details.

QUESTION: Okay, can you tell us just briefly, what was the level of the classification, and what was - how many documents were taken? And did any of the documents pertain to the planned air strikes against Iraq?

MR. FOLEY: I'll give you two answers: first, there's an ongoing investigation; I can't comment on the details. Secondly, one of the purposes of the investigation is to determine whether, if any, there was a compromise of national security information. And to speculate at this point as to whether there was, in fact, such a compromise, when that has not been established, is premature.

QUESTION: Can I just say one thing? The FBI, who apparently has the con on this investigation, --

MR. FOLEY: I didn't hear your question.

QUESTION: Apparently, the FBI, which has the con - strike apparently. The FBI, which has the con on this investigation --

MR. FOLEY: You're still going to have to define "con" to me.

QUESTION: All right, which has the primary responsibility for the investigation, is throwing all information and all inquiries back to you. So, we're now at a "Tinker to Evers to Chance" sort of thing -- I mean, we're going full circle. You throw it to the FBI; the FBI throws it back to you; we in the middle get nothing. Can you tell us - I mean, what you're telling us --

MR. FOLEY: I can tell you that I'm not going to comment about an ongoing investigation.

QUESTION: Okay, this came out yesterday. So there's no update since yesterday; but can you tell us the extent of the investigation?

MR. FOLEY: And there may not be an update tomorrow. When we have the results of the investigation, we'll be happy to share that with you.

QUESTION: Did I understand that the procedure will be instead of being asked every day when the State Department can inform the public what happened, you'll just volunteer it or Jamie? Or should we keep asking? I don't expect you to be done in a day, but I mean, like next month?

MR. FOLEY: This is a matter of public interest, and it's a serious matter that we're investigating. And I'm certain that we'll be in a position to give you at least the broad results of the investigation when it's completed.

QUESTION: Jim, what additional security measures have been taken?

MR. FOLEY: I don't have that information available for you. I'm not sure I would be able to provide it, though, because they involve security measures and that's not something we can discuss in a public forum.

QUESTION: Has anybody been reprimanded or in any way criticized for what happened or didn't happen?

MR. FOLEY: This is an ongoing investigation, and I'm not in a position to describe the results of the investigation that have not been arrived at.

QUESTION: Are there any changes in personnel up there, except the normal - apparently normal - rotation of the executive secretary?

MR. FOLEY: No, no, no. As has been indicated, it is premature to prejudge the outcome or the conclusions of the investigation. These are typically undertaken when an incident takes place, and they may result in findings of nothing, of an innocuous event, or of something serious. And for us to speculate about the nature of the incident is premature.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) told us yesterday this is over a month old? I mean, how long does an investigation take to find out one, if something is missing; and two, what's missing?

MR. FOLEY: It takes as long as it takes. This is a serious matter that has to be taken to its conclusion.

QUESTION: Have any brown tweed jackets turned up?

(Laughter.)

MR. FOLEY: What are you wearing today, Sid?

QUESTION: I know Jim Anderson is wearing a brown tweed jacket.

MR. FOLEY: Or Carol Giacomo.

QUESTION: No, it's not brown.

QUESTION: Lee McClenny.

QUESTION: Jim, can you tell us, is this being investigated only in-house? Is the FBI in-house --

MR. FOLEY: It's a combination of the FBI and the State Department's diplomatic security office.

QUESTION: Did the State Department ask the FBI to cooperate?

MR. FOLEY: I believe so.

QUESTION: Jim, on a different subject, an Egyptian magazine, periodical and newspaper ran a cartoon of Dan Kurtzer dressed up as a Hassidic Jew, very derogatory. Do you have any comment on that?

MR. FOLEY: I don't have a prepared comment; I have a spontaneous reaction, if you will. I saw the press report concerning that, and Ambassador Kurtzer apparently has responded, I gather, just from reading the press report. But of course it's an outrageous characterization and is something that not only the United States finds abhorrent, but we would assume that our friends in Egypt find abhorrent. Ambassador Kurtzer is a splendid representative of the United States. He's doing a fine job, and as was indicated in the press report, he's devoted a good bulk of his career to improving relations between the United States and Egypt; and we support him fully.

QUESTION: Did you tell the Egyptian Government any of this?

MR. FOLEY: This just came to my attention before coming in.

QUESTION: No, I don't mean you. I mean, all right, I'm sorry. Well, all right, if - I know the story broke rather late today. I wonder if the US Government is or has told the Egyptian Government, which it customarily holds out as the prototypical moderate Arab government whose agreements with Israel should serve as a model to further peace accords.

MR. FOLEY: What's your question, Barry?

QUESTION: Have you told the Egyptian Government how scurrilous you think this attack is, or are you just telling us?

MR. FOLEY: Barry, as I --

QUESTION: I don't mean you, I mean the State Department.

MR. FOLEY: As I said, I just read this from a wire report coming in, and on a personal basis I wanted to express my outrage and undoubtedly this is something that would be discussed --

QUESTION: Well, we'll follow it up.

MR. FOLEY: But again, this cannot in any way reflect either the views of the Egyptian Government or, I would assume, the views of the vast majority of Egyptians, who, I think, value the principle of religious tolerance.

QUESTION: Can I ask on another subject? Do you have anything on the health of King Fahd?

MR. FOLEY: I understand he had surgery; we wish him a speedy recovery. I have no further information, though.

QUESTION: (Inaudible.)

MR. FOLEY: I understand that, yes.

QUESTION: What?

QUESTION: Is it gall bladder surgery?

MR. FOLEY: I don't have that information.

QUESTION: Yes, a few minutes ago, reading your press guidance, you mentioned five times "Macedonia." I am wondering if your government changed already the interim name, FYROM?

MR. FOLEY: I thank you for pointing that out, Mr. Lambros. The correct term is FYROM, and you're right to point that out.

QUESTION: In a follow-up to the previous Turkish question, why is the Contact Group not imposing a similar no-fly zone over southeast of Turkey to protect the Kurdish people?

MR. FOLEY: I'm not sure I understand your question, Mr. Lambros.

QUESTION: The question is, why the Contact Group is not imposing too a no- fly zone over the southeast of Turkey to protect the Kurdish people, too?

MR. FOLEY: Turkey is a valued ally of the United States, and I'm not going to entertain a provocative question of that nature.

QUESTION: Can I go to Indonesia? Do you have anything to say on the manner in which Soeharto has re-appointed the president?

MR. FOLEY: The People's Consultative Assembly selected President Soeharto to a seventh five-year term today. The selection took place in a manner consistent with provisions of the Indonesian constitution. The United States hopes President Soeharto will choose a cabinet that includes a strong economic team as a signal of his intention to implement fully Indonesia's IMF economic reform program, and to restore market confidence.

QUESTION: A couple of quick, almost logistical, questions about the Balkans. The ethnic Albanians have - (inaudible) - yesterday said they had asked, as Eliot Engel, for instance, the congressman who heads a caucus on the Hill, that a special mediator be appointed for Kosovo. I wondered if that's something that is being considered. And logistically, I wonder if we could maybe induce you to ask Mr. Gelbard to have some sort of a session with us when he returns.

MR. FOLEY: I wouldn't rule that out, Barry. Certainly there's been enough news generated in the region that when he does return, I would be glad to look into making him available.

Ambassador Gelbard's responsibilities are many, and Kosovo falls under the general rubric of his responsibilities. But it could become a full-time job in itself, so the State Department has designated Mr. James Swigert, who's director of the Office of South Central European Affairs in the European Bureau as deputy special representative. There was some reporting where the word envoy was used; that's not the term of art here. He's going to be Ambassador Gelbard's deputy special representative. In that capacity, he will work closely with Special Representative Gelbard and be engaged full- time with US policy on Kosovo.

QUESTION: Is he on his way there now, as we speak?

MR. FOLEY: I believe he's already there in the region.

QUESTION: Is he keeping his --

MR. FOLEY: Yes, he is.

QUESTION: -- his current job, though?

MR. FOLEY: Yes, that's my understanding.

QUESTION: He's going to have two hats.

MR. FOLEY: I'll get back to you if that's wrong.

QUESTION: And on King Fahd, you said he has had surgery. What do you understand to be his condition coming out of it?

MR. FOLEY: I have no information on that. I just gave you all that I have.

QUESTION: And he had the surgery today?

MR. FOLEY: I don't have that.

QUESTION: And how did you find out about it?

MR. FOLEY: By asking our - I asked our experts in the Middle Eastern Bureau, if you want to know our procedures.

QUESTION: No, I'm just interested, did the Saudi Government inform you that King Fahd headed back --

MR. FOLEY: To give you a serious answer, I'm not aware of that. I'm sure, though, our embassy has been in contact with the Saudi Government or here in Washington with the Saudi Embassy. I just don't have that for you.

QUESTION: I don't believe they've announced it in Saudi Arabia.

QUESTION: Well, then you have an in.

(Laughter.)

QUESTION: On Colombia - do you have any reaction to the elections that were held on Sunday?

MR. FOLEY: We were very pleased to note that Colombian voters went to the polls for the congressional elections in record numbers in support of the democratic process, and in rejection of the guerrillas' calls for an election boycott.

According to preliminary results, 8.8 million Colombians voted, which represents a turnout of about 43 percent, which is 10 percent higher than in 1994 when the last congressional elections were held. Although results are still being finalized, it appears that the ruling liberal party maintained its majority in both houses, and that there will be little change in the overall political make-up of the Congress. We don't have information at this time that the guerrilla violence significantly impeded the voting.

QUESTION: I guess - is that it? No, there's one over there.

QUESTION: Barry's the emcee.

MR. FOLEY: Thank you, Barry.

QUESTION: Cuba. The Foreign Minister of Canada Friday said that the problems in Cuba, like the prostitution and the --

MR. FOLEY: What on Cuba? I didn't hear the --

QUESTION: Prostitution.

MR. FOLEY: No, before that. Problems, you said?

QUESTION: Yes, the Foreign Minister of Canada said that the problems in Cuba, like prostitution, the people suffering is not just because of Castro's policies; it's also part of the effects of the Cuba - I mean, the embargo, the US embargo. Do you have any response to that? Or is the Secretary trying to --

MR. FOLEY: With Secretary Albright in Canada now, I would hesitate in any way to characterize any aspect of US-Canadian relations. But our policy and views on Cuba are certainly well-known.

Thank you.

QUESTION: Okay, thanks.

(The briefing concluded at 1:40 P.M.)


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