USIA - Text: Albright Before House Foreign Operations Panel, 97-02-12
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TEXT: ALBRIGHT BEFORE HOUSE FOREIGN OPERATIONS PANEL
(Strong U.S. diplomacy helps Americans prosper) (6290)
Washington -- A strong U.S. diplomacy helps all Americans prosper,
according to Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.
The new Secretary of State testified before the House Appropriations
Subcommittee on Foreign Operations February 12 making her case for the
Clinton Administration's FY-1998 International Affairs budget request.
The administration is asking the Congress to approve and fund $19.45
billion for international affairs in the new Fiscal Year. The request
represents less than one percent of the entire federal budget. "This one
percent of the budget affects 100% of the American people," Albright
said.
"Through our diplomacy, we promote America's interests and ideals. Our
strength abroad has helped us prosper, kept us safe, and made us an
inspiration to those around the world who cherish freedom. Global
leadership is ours to take into the next century, and build an even better
world for our citizens," Albright said.
She listed U.S. peace promotion efforts through arms control programs,
support for the International Atomic Energy Agency, the Agreed Framework
with North Korea, and international crime control efforts.
Efforts to open markets abroad, Albright said, have increased U.S. exports
by 34 percent since 1993 and generated 1.6 million new jobs.
U.S. support for sustainable development programs strengthen fledgling
democracies, Albright said. This year's focus, she said, is "food
security."
"Programs to improve the dependability of crops and distribution of food in
Africa," Albright noted, "can help make sure hunger is no longer a constant
threat to the lives of people and the stability of societies."
Following is the State Department text of Albright's opening testimony, as
prepared for delivery:
(begin text)
SECRETARY OF STATE ALBRIGHT
February 12, 1997
Statement before the
SUBCOMMITTEE ON FOREIGN OPERATIONS
of the
HOUSE APPROPRIATIONS COMMITTEE
Good morning. I am glad to have this opportunity to address you so soon
after my confirmation. Together, we have an important job to do.
Last week in his State of the Union address, the President challenged us
all to "do what it takes to remain the indispensable nation, to keep
America strong, secure and prosperous." That requires maintaining American
leadership abroad to promote our interests at home. President Clinton's
foreign affairs budget request for FY-1998 sets out our strategy for
leadership and asks your help in providing the tools we need to sustain it.
There could scarcely be a better time than now to begin to revive what has
historically been, and I hope will be, a strong sense of bipartisanship in
foreign policy.
American power and prestige derive primarily from three sources -- the
strength of our economy, the might of our military, and the vigor of our
diplomacy.
Each played a role in our birth as an independent nation, from the day Ben
Franklin was sent abroad to report on our military victories to France, our
first ally and trading partner. Each was essential after World War II, when
our economic and diplomatic power helped rebuild Europe while our military
kept us secure. Each was essential to win the Cold War, as we confronted
Communism with the determination of a free and prosperous people. Each
reflects the genius and patriotism of our citizenry. And each is essential
today, as we prepare to meet the challenges of a new century.
That is why President Clinton has placed the highest priority on a sound
and growing economy; that is why he is committed to keeping our armed
forces modern, mobile and strong; and it is why he has requested the funds
we need to maintain our world-class diplomacy.
Through our diplomacy, we promote America's interests and ideals. Our
strength abroad has helped us prosper, kept us safe, and made us an
inspiration to those around the world who cherish freedom. Global
leadership is ours to take into the next century, and build an even better
world for our citizens -- or it is ours to squander by turning inward and
away from the responsibilities that leadership entails.
Let me be clear at the outset. The purpose of American foreign policy is to
protect and promote American interests. These interests are not abstract,
but real. I said last month at my confirmation hearing that the 1 percent
of our budget that we invest in foreign affairs may well determine 50
percent of the history of our era. Today I would add that this 1 percent of
the budget affects 100 percent of the American people.
All of us who believe in America's global leadership, in both parties and
on both ends of the Mall, must do more to show the American people how our
engagement overseas works for them -- and, in many cases, how it brings
dividends directly to them.
For example, when we help to fund the U.N. Special Commission, we do more
than ensure that Saddam Hussein's efforts to obstruct, evade and deceive
international inspectors will fail; we make it less likely that soldiers
from Fort Polk and fliers from Maxwell Air Force Base will again be sent
into harm's way in response to Iraqi aggression.
When we support educational and cultural exchange programs, we give
students from northern Virginia and teachers from southern California their
first glimpse of the wider world in which they will compete after
graduation.
When we help other nations to grow, we expand the system of market
democracies in which our own nation has the largest stake. We also create
opportunities for universities and businesses here at home. For example,
close to 80 percent of USAID contracts and grants go directly to American
firms, like the $20 million of fertilizer and agricultural training
supplied by one Alabama contractor in FY-1995 -- and that was less than a
fifth of USAID's grants and contracts in Alabama during that year alone.
Those contracts create markets -- and contacts that will be useful long
after aid programs have ended.
President Clinton has put forward a foreign affairs budget which proposes a
modest increase over last year's appropriation, thereby giving us the tools
we need for leadership. By approving our request for foreign operations,
this subcommittee can help promote peace and keep America strong and
secure. You can provide resources to build our prosperity at home by
opening new markets and creating new jobs. You can support programs for
sustainable development, to help other countries grow wisely without
harming the global environment we all share. You can support those around
the world, from students to senators, who share our democratic ideals. And
you can help to care for those around the world who are in desperate need
of humanitarian aid. Finally, you can build our diplomatic readiness,
making sure that our diplomats are well-equipped and well-trained for their
work. Let me address in more detail how the funds this subcommittee
appropriates helps us to meet each of these objectives.
Promoting Peace
Mr. Chairman, nothing we do is more important than promoting peace and
security. We begin by working to ensure that Americans are safe, at home
and abroad, from terrorism, crime and the threat posed by weapons of mass
destruction. We work for peace in regions of vital interest. And we
maintain strong relationships with our key allies and partners to build
support for our efforts to combat transnational threats that no country
could defeat alone.
Although the Cold War has ended, the threat posed to Americans by weapons
of mass destruction has not. Arms control and non-proliferation efforts
remain a key part of our strategy to keep Americans safe.
The great arms control achievements of recent years -- the removal of
nuclear weapons from Belarus, Kazakstan and Ukraine; the negotiation of a
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and a Chemical Weapons Convention; the
indefinite extension of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty -- have all
enjoyed bipartisan support.
With your support for this budget -- in particular for the work of the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) -- we can continue our efforts to
improve the security and prevent the diversion of fissile materials.
Our $36 million voluntary contribution to the IAEA helps that agency to
verify compliance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in more than
820 locations in 61 countries. The IAEA supports our efforts in the most
problematic countries, such as Iraq and North Korea, and achieves broader
coverage than we ever could achieve if we tried to go it alone.
We have a major national interest in preventing states such as Iran from
obtaining weapons of mass destruction. We will continue to oppose strongly
the sale or transfer of arms and arms-related technologies to all such
states. And we will maintain tough U.N. sanctions against Iraq unless and
until it complies with the relevant Security Council resolutions. The
subcommittee's decision to fully fund our contribution to the U.N. Special
Commission (UNSCOM) would ensure that Saddam Hussein's efforts to obstruct,
evade and deceive U.N. inspectors continue to fail.
The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea froze
that country's dangerous nuclear weapons program; its full implementation
would completely dismantle that program. With our partners, we created the
Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO) to implement key
aspects of the agreement. Our earlier commitment helped jump-start KEDO and
generated contributions from Japan and South Korea that will ultimately
dwarf our own. KEDO now has 10 members -- and we will bring in at least
three more this year to share the burden. But we must keep our commitment --
$30 million for 1998 -- to make sure others keep theirs.
International narcotics trafficking and organized crime also endanger
Americans at home and our interests abroad. The President, and law
enforcement agencies and educators at all levels are committed to doing the
job here. But we cannot hope to safeguard our citizens unless we fight
these menaces overseas, where illicit goods are produced and ill-gotten
gains are hidden away. President Clinton has directed us to work aggressively
against growers and dealers of narcotics, and to put a stop to the
accompanying money laundering, financial and other criminal operations.
A consensus is building that corruption and crime are global security
threats, and that decent people from around the world must close ranks,
share information and take cooperative action.
This past year, our support for cocaine eradication and interdiction helped
knock coca production in Peru to its lowest level in 10 years. Drug
kingpins from Latin America to Europe to Nigeria to Burma are feeling
pressure. We have requested a modest $17 million increase above the FY-1997
level for anti-narcotics programs to maintain our momentum, primarily
through training and increased support for aerial programs.
We are also requesting $19 million to fund the State Department's anti-
terrorism programs, most of which will be used to train foreign law
enforcement officials, so that they can be more effective partners.
When we support arms control and anti-crime efforts in other countries and
regions, we advance the long-term interests and the safety of Americans.
The same is true when we help end conflicts and reduce tensions in
strategic regions such as South Asia, Nagorno-Karabakh and Northern
Ireland.
Neither our resources nor our responsibilities are unlimited. We must be
careful in our commitments and selective in our actions. But we do have an
interest in defusing situations which might endanger American security or
which, if left unattended, might require the deployment of American troops.
We have an interest in avoiding power vacuums that create targets of
opportunity for criminals and terrorists. We have an interest in helping
young market democracies survive the threat of conflict to become stable
partners. And we share an interest, with all civilized people, in
preventing and ending genocide and dire humanitarian emergencies.
Today, let me cite three examples of situations in which our interests are
engaged and our participation required, either to resolve conflicts or
prevent them. First, the Middle East.
Just last month, our skilled diplomacy was essential in producing an
agreement on Israeli redeployment in Hebron. The intensive negotiations,
including direct talks between Prime Minister Netanyahu and Chairman Arafat,
helped to create new confidence and trust between the sides, restored
momentum to the process, and provided a road map for the future.
To maintain this momentum, we have a three-part agenda. First, continuing
to support the progress of the Israelis and Palestinians. Second, to make
progress toward a comprehensive peace for the region, we will look for ways
to energize the Israel-Syria and Israel-Lebanon negotiations. And third, we
will continue to encourage other Arab states to broaden the peace process
by expanding ties with Israel. To that end, we have requested $12 million
to fund Arab-Israeli technical cooperation and the five working groups on
regional issues.
Any attempt to create a stable peace must also aim at fostering economic
growth. We must try to ensure that the peace process changes the quality of
people's lives and broadens their economic horizons. Last fall's Cairo
Economic Conference was a great success in promoting private-sector
engagement in the region. It featured the largest private-sector delegations
-- and the largest contingent of U.S. business representatives -- ever to
attend such a conference. Clearly, the private sector believes that
investment in the region is worth pursuing, and that the conditions for it
are ripening.
To make sure this progress continues, the United States needs to remain
involved. That means making good on our commitments to assist Israel, Egypt,
Jordan and others when they take risks for peace -- as they have continued
to do in this very challenging time. We have also requested $75 million in
Economic Support Funds (ESF) for the Palestinian Authority, to promote
economic development and democratic institutions.
As you know, Prime Minister Netanyahu and Chairman Arafat will visit
Washington this month, and President Mubarak and King Hussein will meet
with President Clinton in March. As Secretary of State I will assure them,
as I assure you, that America will continue to stand with the peacemakers
and against the bomb throwers in this strategic region. That is in
America's interests; it is consistent with the commitments we have made; it
reflects the kind of people we are; and it is right.
Under the President's leadership, we will continue to press forward toward
a comprehensive peace. Our approach will continue to be guided by our firm
commitment to those who genuinely seek peace and our equally-strong
opposition to those who would disrupt this process through terrorism and
violence.
In southeastern Europe, we face rising tensions with the potential to harm
Europe's stability. Disputes between our NATO allies Turkey and Greece in
the Aegean and over Cyprus may have consequences far beyond the region,
affecting NATO and the European Union and our vital interest in a peaceful
Europe.
Last year, disturbing outbreaks of violence marred relations between the
two communities on Cyprus. The economic and social consequences of that
island's division are weighing heavily on its inhabitants. This year, the
United States will seek to play a heightened role in promoting negotiations
and a settlement in Cyprus. However, for any initiative to bear fruit, the
parties themselves must agree on concrete steps to reduce tensions and move
toward direct negotiations. We have again requested Economic Support Funds
in Turkey and Cyprus, and Foreign Military Financing for both Turkey and
Greece, to help keep the region -- and the military balance -- stable and
closely tied to NATO and other European institutions.
Of the many conflicts and disputes around the world, the interrelated
conflicts in Central Africa have been the most deadly over the last
year.
In Rwanda, most refugees have returned. But there is a great deal still to
do in re-integrating them into society -- and rebuilding the institutions
destroyed or discredited during the fighting. In Burundi, the task is to
spur meaningful political negotiations that will open the door to
reconciliation and to needed international assistance.
In Zaire, the problems are even more daunting -- to encourage a halt to
factional violence, ensure respect for human rights, and create stability
based on democratic principles throughout the country. The stakes are high.
Zaire is a country of 41 million people that borders nine states. We have
seen already that violence in the Great Lakes region spreads with alarming
ease -- and grave consequences. Unless tensions ease, we face the risk of
years of violence, a massive outflow of refugees and emergency humanitarian
costs in the billions of dollars. Accordingly, we are working closely with
regional leaders and our allies in support of a solution based on full
respect for Zaire's sovereignty and protection for human rights.
We have recently committed an additional $153 million to deal with the
emergency situation throughout the region. And we are placing a priority on
our efforts to increase the peacekeeping capacities of African nations
through an African Crisis Response Force (ACRF).
The voluntary peacekeeping account, for which we are seeking $90 million in
FY-1998, enables us to provide modest support to projects such as the ACRF
that strengthen states' ability to deter or respond to conflicts in their
own backyards. This account is also used to fund operations where our
interest is so direct we choose to act with a coalition or a regional
organization, as in the Sinai, the OSCE missions in the former Soviet Union,
support for democratic elections in Bosnia, and the Israel-Lebanon
Monitoring Group.
As we work with others to resolve problems such as civil conflict and
proliferation, we need strong partnerships with other leading nations.
These are the bonds that hold together not only our foreign policy, but the
entire international system.
By acting together, we are able to elevate standards of international
behavior, spur economic and social progress, and strengthen the rule of
law. We also leverage resources far beyond our own.
Next week, I will visit key capitals in Europe and Asia to build on the
relationships I inherited from my predecessor, and he from his. I will
explore the prospects for deeper cooperation on many of the critical issues
of our day -- and many of the initiatives for which we request that you
fund our part.
In Europe, for example, the seven years since the fall of the Berlin Wall
have shown how much we can accomplish if we stand together with our
European partners.
With U.S. leadership and European unity, American fliers, Russian
paratroopers, German doctors and Hungarian mechanics have helped the people
of Bosnia begin to build the basis for a lasting peace. Today, American
soldiers and their counterparts from NATO and 17 non-NATO states are
cooperating in SFOR, giving Bosnia the breathing space it needs for
economic reconstruction and political healing. As we help the Bosnian
people establish a stable military balance and better judicial and legal
institutions, the need for an international military presence will
diminish.
I hope that this subcommittee will back our SFOR forces by supporting the
President's supplemental request for Bosnia and that you will -- on a
related matter -- also endorse our request for continued financial support
for the International War Crimes Tribunal, to which we are the largest
contributor.
The same countries that are working to implement peace in Bosnia are also
striving to build lasting stability through NATO's Partnership for Peace.
This year we have requested $70 million in military assistance for Partner
countries. This is an increase of $10 million over last year and will help
all Partners to participate more fully in NATO activities and train for
joint action with the Alliance. It will also help some Partners to prepare
for NATO membership. In addition, we are requesting $20 million for Central
European Defense Loans (CEDL), to help those countries build defensive,
civilian-controlled militaries and stronger ties with the United States.
We are working to transform NATO, so that it can play its part in building
a fully united and stable Europe. Our European partners are taking on a
more responsible role in ensuring our common security. NATO is preparing to
invite several Central European states to begin negotiations to join the
Alliance. And NATO is working to create a robust partnership with Russia
and an enhanced relationship with Ukraine.
Mr. Chairman, this century has shown that the United States must remain a
European power. We have an equally vital interest in remaining a Pacific
power as well.
Today, we are working with allies and friends to build an Asia-Pacific
community based on shared interests and a common commitment to peace.
Over the last few years, we have reinvigorated our Asian alliances while
maintaining our forward deployment of 100,000 American troops in the
Western Pacific. We are encouraging new efforts to build security and
resolve disputes peacefully through bodies such as the ASEAN Regional
Forum.
Our core alliances in Asia are as strong, and our cooperation as broad, as
they have ever been. Our relationship with our closest Asian ally, Japan,
is underpinned by our shared commitment to open and democratic societies.
We consult regularly on issues from peace in Asia to development in Africa.
We appreciate Japan's generous financial support for the Middle East peace
process, and for our Common Agenda of environmental initiatives around the
world.
With another key Asian ally, the Republic of Korea, we are working closely
to deal with the challenge posed by North Korea -- and to respond in a
humane way to the North's critical shortage of food. Our cooperation is
growing in numerous areas as Seoul, anchor of the world's 11th-largest
economy, takes on a larger regional and global role.
We must also manage our complex relationship with China, as it emerges as a
key Asian and global power.
U.S. policy toward China has long been controversial in Congress and among
the American people. There are healthy disagreements about balancing
various elements of that policy. But there should be no doubt about the
importance of this relationship, and the need to integrate, not isolate,
the world's most populous nation and our fourth largest trading partner.
The United States and China do have important differences, especially on
trade, arms transfers and human rights, including Tibet. I will not
hesitate to speak out about them. We will continue to voice strong concern
about the need for China to meet its commitments to maintain democratic
practices in Hong Kong. And, while we will adhere to our "one China" policy,
we will also maintain robust unofficial ties with Taiwan.
But it is essential that we continue our work with China on issues
including the Korean Peninsula, crime, nuclear testing and the environment.
The best way for the United States to pursue the interests we share with
China, and those where our views diverge, is through a consistent policy of
engagement. In order to advance these and other interests, from non-
proliferation to human rights, the United States needs a strong foreign
policy with a full tool box. Your vote on this budget will help decide
whether or not we have it.
Promoting Economic Prosperity
The Clinton administration has had extraordinary success in helping the
economy grow at home by opening markets abroad. Our exports have grown by
34 percent since 1993, generating 1.6 million new jobs. We have laid the
groundwork for free and open trade in our hemisphere by 2005 and in the
Asia-Pacific region by 2020. And we have put our full weight behind better
enforcement of intellectual property standards, and fuller consideration of
core labor rights, at the World Trade Organization.
But we cannot rest on our past accomplishments. Our future growth in an
ever-more competitive global marketplace depends upon strong export
promotion efforts and a vigorous State Department presence around the
world. I am committed to helping American business and labor compete and
win in a global market that is open and fair.
And our diplomats are doing their job. One of the pleasures of my own job
is hearing about compliments from American corporations like this one.
After winning a $5.8 million contract to supply weather radar to the
government of India, corporate officials wrote of our team in New Delhi:
"Their interest in our cause was genuine and with no red tape and no 'yeah,
buts.'"
But our diplomats need your commitment as well, and your support for our
requests for the Export-Import Bank and the Trade and Development Agency.
As Secretary of State, I want to stress that these programs not only serve
to build American exports and jobs -- they are a fundamental tool of our
foreign policy.
The Overseas Private Investment Corporation, I am pleased to say, is now
self-sustaining. Its commitments have grown by a factor of five over the
last five years, and it has shown profits repeatedly, reaching $209 million
last year.
Programs like these help make the United States an even more vital hub of
the global economy and create more opportunities for our citizens. But as
any entrepreneur knows, support from Washington is not enough -- we must be
active on the ground.
This year the President will seek fast-track authority for trade negotiations
that open more markets to our goods and services. We must move forward in
this area, not only to expand our exports but to avoid being left behind as
emerging economic powers forge trade ties with other nations.
In the Asia-Pacific region, we must ensure full implementation of the many
agreements we have already negotiated with Japan and others; pursue
improved access to key sectors in China; and encourage U.S. trade and
investment with India as it continues to carry out path-breaking economic
reforms.
In Europe, the New Transatlantic Agenda that we and our EU partners signed
in 1995 provides a blueprint for making transatlantic trade even freer and
easier. We will also intensify our cooperation with the OECD to combat the
corrupt business practices that cheat American companies and workers -- and
corrode the rule of law around the world.
Promoting Sustainable Development
Mr. Chairman, many of America's fastest-growing markets are developing,
where the transition to an open economic system is underway, but incomplete.
Many of these countries are held back by high rates of population growth,
lack of access to health care and education, a scarcity of natural
resources or conflict.
When democratic institutions in a developing country are weak, unstable or
absent, that country will be less likely to grow peacefully, less inclined
to confront international terrorists and criminals, and less able to do its
part to protect the environment.
That is why our sustainable development programs are a sound investment in
American security and well-being. The funds allocated to State and USAID by
this subcommittee are helping us to encourage democratic and economic
development in Africa, where more than three dozen countries have now at
least begun democratic reforms -- and where U.S. trade rose by 23 percent
in 1995 alone. I know that Brian Atwood will testify before you later this
spring, so let me say just a few words about our priorities here.
This year, we have given our sustainable development programs a new focus
on one of the most basic problems that stifles development and sparks
conflict -- food security. Programs to improve the dependability of crops
and distribution of food in Africa can help make sure hunger is no longer a
constant threat to the lives of people and the stability of societies.
Our financial support and pressure for reform has helped the United Nations
Development Program become the central coordinating and funding mechanism
for UN development assistance. Every dollar we contribute leverages $8-$10
from other nations in support of Bosnian reconstruction, Rwandan judicial
reform, and Cambodian de-mining -- to name just a few projects.
We have increased our request for funding for UNICEF to $100 million for FY-
1998. Like UNDP, UNICEF plays an important role in countries suffering from,
or recovering from, the devastation caused by civil or international
conflict. UNICEF helps protect children -- a society's most vulnerable
members and its hope for the future -- from the Balkans to Liberia.
The $780 million we have requested for population and health programs works
to provide better health and family planning information and services to
millions worldwide. By stabilizing population growth rates, developing
nations can devote more of their scarce resources to meet the basic needs
of their citizens. Moreover, our voluntary family planning programs serve
our broader interests by elevating the status of women, reducing the flow
of refugees, protecting the environment, and promoting economic growth.
That is why I urge Congress to adopt a joint resolution to release
immediately USAID's FY-1997 population funds. As the President has
determined, a further delay will cause a tragic rise in unintended
pregnancies, abortions, and maternal and child deaths.
We are developing forward-looking programs to protect the global environment
and promote sound management of natural resources with our request of $290
million. AID programs are helping to reclaim land for agriculture in Mali,
cut greenhouse gas emissions in the Philippines and fund acquisition of
American "green technology" in Nepal. America's cutting-edge environmental
technology is an important tool in this process, and we aim to give its
makers a boost in global markets as well.
Our $100 million request for the Global Environment Fund (GEF) provides
loans for developing country projects to preserve biodiversity, address
ozone depletion, protect oceans and prevent the release of gas inhibited in
global warming. GEF projects can have important benefits for recipients and
Americans alike: a 1996 project to introduce more efficient lighting in two
Mexican cities, for example, induced a 40 percent rate of change and a boom
in orders for U.S. lighting technology and training.
We have also requested an increase to restore full funding and begin to pay
our debts to the multilateral development banks and the IDA. Over the past
few years, our pressure for reform has had dramatic effects. The World Bank
has increased accountability and transparency while cutting its administrative
budget by 10 percent in two years, steps all the MDBs are now moving to
emulate. The most far-reaching success story is the turnaround of the
African Development Bank, which has tightened its lending rules, cut staff
by 20 percent and appointed external auditors.
Now is the time for us to meet our own obligations, so that the Banks can
provide loans which further our goals -- and which result in more contracts
with American firms than those of any other nation.
Promoting Democracy
Mr. Chairman, America's global leadership is not possible unless we are
true to American ideals. And we cannot do that unless we do what we can to
promote democratic institutions and values around the world. That is in our
interest. And it is right.
When we work to strengthen democracy, we are strengthening the only sound
base from which to fight transnational threats; improving the chances that
countries will live in peace with their neighbors; and empowering citizens
to stand up for their own rights and look after their environment.
As you know, the main programs through which we support democracy are the
FREEDOM Support Act for the former Soviet Union, the SEED programs for the
states of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as Economic Support and other
programs around the world. Since I have already discussed our integrated
programs for sustainable, democratic development, let me focus here on our
programs in Europe.
If Europe itself is to be strong and at peace, we must not let a new line
emerge where the wave of democratic change falters. Making sure that the
new Europe is a continent of stable democracies is critical to achieving
the vision of European security I discussed earlier. Our support will be
crucial, both for those countries making the difficult transition to NATO
membership and for those not in the first group to join.
The SEED programs administered by the State Department and USAID focus on
economic restructuring, democratic institution building and developing
strong civil societies. It includes a special focus on reconstruction and
reform in Bosnia. Our contribution is critical to generating the bulk of
assistance to Bosnia which our European partners provide.
Let me also mention that the SEED program, which was intended to be finite,
has had another round of successes -- this budget request foresees phasing
out assistance to the Czech Republic and Slovenia during FY-1997.
A democratic Russia is an essential partner in our efforts to build a
secure Europe. Russia's transition has been arduous and uncertain. More
difficult times lie ahead. But open markets and democratic institutions
have taken hold. If Russia is to become a full and productive partner in a
Europe at peace, that progress must continue. And we must help.
The United States has a profound interest in encouraging Russia to
accelerate its democratic and economic reforms, to respect fully the
sovereignty of its neighbors, and to join us in addressing critical
regional and global issues.
Our aid to Russia helps us achieve all those ends. This year, we have
revamped our assistance to Russia and the other New Independent States. Out
of the $900 million we have requested, $535 million will fund a new
Partnership for Freedom. This reflects an evolution in our approach to the
region. For years, we have been providing technical advice on how to
achieve political and economic reform. Our focus will now be on cementing
the irreversible nature of those reforms.
The initiative will concentrate on activities to promote business, trade
and investment and those that would strengthen democracy and more fully
establish the rule of law. Our efforts here are a priority because the
democratic transformation of this region is of vital and historic
importance to us; and because the ultimate victory of freedom in this part
of the world is not yet assured.
Ukraine is again this year our fourth-largest recipient of foreign
assistance, reflecting our belief that investment in a stable, democratic
Ukraine is an investment in the linchpin of stability in Central Europe.
Providing Humanitarian Assistance
Of course, no one can predict and prevent every natural disaster, famine or
conflict. The United States should be prepared to respond when we can in
such terrible circumstances. This budget allows us to provide humanitarian
assistance that can make a critical difference in ending or alleviating
human suffering -- a basic interest of any civilized people.
Never forget, though, that even the most charitable aid is in our national
interest. As long as we are dependent on the rule of law to promote our
trade, protect our security, and preserve our ideals, we cannot look
indifferently at failed states and massive upheavals. Equally, we should
not stand by when war, famine or disease threaten to spill over and menace
our friends and allies.
This year, we have made a modest reduction in our request for Migration and
Refugee Assistance, because large numbers of Rwandan refugees returned home
last year -- and because we expect to complete our repatriation programs
with Laos and Vietnam.
We have also requested that our international disaster assistance and
Office of Transition Initiatives programs be funded at the same levels as
last year. We believe that those levels will be sufficient to provide for
contingencies and continue efforts like our justice program in Rwanda.
Promoting Diplomatic Readiness
Mr. Chairman, it has often been said that our diplomats are our first line
of defense. It is they, after all, who administer our aid programs,
negotiate arms control agreements, and assist American business. We ask a
great deal of them -- including, occasionally, risking their lives in
places like Bosnia and Iraq.
What is more, every American has the right to expect that our response to
any emergency will be strong and sure-footed. To make sure that is the case,
we must maintain our diplomatic readiness -- well-trained staff, dependable
communications, and posts open everywhere necessary.
Without that global presence, our programs will not succeed. We cannot
lead. And our leadership, after all, is what has built our strength in this
century and laid the groundwork for the next.
Our security depends on our efforts to prevent the spread of weapons of
mass destruction and to defeat the forces of international terror.
Our prosperity depends on the existence of an expanding global economy
fueled by free and fair rules of trade, in which American products are
welcome and American workers are rewarded. We will keep making those
efforts, whether pursuing violations of labor standards in South Asia or
opening new trade opportunities in South America.
Our future in a world of friendly states depends on our efforts to promote
the democratic principles by which we live and others are inspired, from
Burma to Belgrade.
And, as President Clinton said last week at the National Prayer Breakfast,
"We can be a model for the rest of the world, but we also know we have to
model the behavior we advocate which is to give a helping hand when we
can."
Our budget request is an investment in a strong foreign policy -- one that
keeps American diplomacy flexible in responding to crises, firm in pursuing
our strategic priorities, and vigilant in protecting our security. Surely
that is a bipartisan vision of how best to further our role in the world. I
believe it is one that this committee, Congress and the American people can
share -- and I hope you will do so by supporting the President's request.
Nothing matters more to our future than whether America continues to lead,
and America cannot lead in the international arena without the resources
necessary to maintain our influence and the tools required to get the job
done.
(end text)
From the United States Information Agency (USIA) Gopher at gopher://gopher.usia.gov
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