U.S. Department of State Daily Press Briefing #93, 98-07-30

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U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing

I N D E X

Thursday, July 30, 1998

Briefer: James P. Rubin

STATEMENTS
1		Agreement Between Williams Co. & Lithuania
ST. KITTS AND NEVIS
1-2		AmCit Students Threatened by Narcotics Trafficker Subject
		  to Extradition to US
1		Numbers of AmCit Students
2,6		Responsibility for Security / US Security, Consular
		  Officials Providing Advice / US Contingency Plans to
		  Remove AmCits
3		Citizenship of Narcotics Trafficker
6		Advice to AmCits
GREECE / TURKEY
3		Cross-Border Firing
GREECE
3-4		Amb Burns' Mtg with FM Pangalos / Amb Burns' Return to US
CYPRUS
4		Turkey Ordered to Compensate Greek Cypriot Woman for Human
		  Rights Violations
JAPAN
4--6		New Prime Minister, Finance & Foreign Ministers / Economic
		  Challenges / US Expectations /Debt / US Contacts With New
		  Govt
ETHIOPIA / ERITREA
6-7		Advice to AmCits to Avoid Border Areas
SERBIA (KOSOVO)
7-13		Agreement on All Parties Executive / Amb Hill's Efforts /
		  Pres Milosevic's Responsibilities & Actions / US Military
		  Option / Kosovo Secession / Negotiating Delegations / US
		  Contacts With Europeans / Dr. Rugova's Role in Talks 
11,12		Displaced Persons / Delivery of Aid
CAMBODIA
14		Alleged Election Fraud Activities Investigated / Coalition
		  Proposal
BURMA
14-15		Treatment of Aung San Suu Kyi
INDONESIA
15		Allegations of Rapes of Ethnic Chinese by Military /
		  Secretary's Meetings in Manila
KOREA
15-16		US Commitment to KEDO Funding for Heavy Fuel Oil and LWR /
		  Additional Funding Needed / New Financial Commitments
LIBYA / TERRORISM
16		Status of Venue for Trial of PanAm #103 Suspects
RUSSIA
16		Coal Miners' Strike Risks Nuclear Plant Meltdown

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING

DPB #93

THURSDAY, JULY 30, 1998, 12:40 P.M.

(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)

MR. RUBIN: Greetings. Welcome to the State Department briefing. Today is, as you know, Thursday.

Let me begin by saying we have a statement on an agreement between the Williams Company and the government of Lithuania that we'll be posting after the briefing.

And before going to your questions, let me say the following. The Department of State has received information that a narcotics trafficker has threatened to murder at random US citizens studying at the Ross Veterinary University in St. Kitts if the US Government is successful in obtaining his extradition. Extradition is not imminent and is dependent upon positive action by the judicial authorities. Nevertheless, we consider the information credible, and take the threat very seriously. It has been communicated to the university, the faculty and the students so that they may take those precautions they deem appropriate. We are working closely with the government of St. Kitts, Nevis and with school authorities. Consular officials, security officials have met with students and other members of the American community there in a town meeting yesterday and I expect there to be another one tomorrow.

QUESTION: What's his name?

MR. RUBIN: Why don't you ask me a more direct question?

QUESTION: Is that not direct? What's his name?

MR. RUBIN: The gentleman in question, who is not a gentleman, is named Charles Miller; and the threat was conditional upon his being taken into custody. We know of this individual and consider this threat - this person sufficiently violent to justify taking these steps.

QUESTION: Does he have a nom de guer or a name by which he's more commonly known?

MR. RUBIN: The name that I'm prepared to give you is Charles Miller.

QUESTION: Do you know how many American students there are?

MR. RUBIN: As I understand it, there are about 250 students and some 50 American faculty members, as well as hundreds of other Americans on the island.

QUESTION: Jamie, the story is that he was taken into custody by authorities there and --

MR. RUBIN: He was not taken into custody; he's being sought for extradition by the United States. And he has made a threat that if he is extradited, he will kill Americans. Based on our experience and knowledge of this individual, we believe this threat is sufficiently specific and credible to justify alerting the American citizens on the island.

QUESTION: You named reference to criminal elements, so presumably he has a gang or a network that even if he was taken into custody the threat would --

MR. RUBIN: This is precisely the issue - is that we consider the threat to be real, and we want to let the American citizens there know what the dangers are. That is our first responsibility -- to protect Americans overseas, and we are going about it as best we can. The first responsibility for the security of St. Kitts is the responsibility of the government of St. Kitts, but we have a good working relationship with them; but we thought it was very important to have this meeting to alert them to what we knew.

QUESTION: The American officials that met with the students were sent to the island?

MR. RUBIN: Correct.

QUESTION: Can you elaborate on --

MR. RUBIN: They are security officials, consular officials, a whole battery of people, because we consider this an important problem that we have to deal with; so it's more than one or two people. We've discussed with them precautions that they might take; things to watch out for and the status of Mr. Miller's case and what we expect the process to be. But ultimately, it is the responsibility of the government of St. Kitts.

QUESTION: Are the security officials actually providing security or are they advising others?

MR. RUBIN: It's not possible at this time to provide personal security for all those hundreds of people; but we are doing what we can, given the resources, to alert them to the dangers to what to be aware of, for what to look out for and what we know about the case and the possible implementation.

QUESTION: What jurisdiction is seeking his extradition?

MR. RUBIN: I don't know; it's the United States. It's somewhere in the United States on drug trafficking charges.

QUESTION: (Inaudible.)

MR. RUBIN: This is St. Kitts.

QUESTION: He's a St. Kitts' citizen?

MR. RUBIN: Yes, St. Kitts Nevis. All right, if you have any further questions on that, Lee has been working on it and will try to answer them.

QUESTION: I actually have two questions. My first question is our good friend and very able Ambassador to Greece, Nick Burns, met with Mr. Pangalos today. Do you have anything on this? And the second question is about an incident yesterday in the borders between Greece and Turkey in the north. There was some shooting between two squads - one a Greek one and one Turkish. Do you have a reaction to that?

MR. RUBIN: Yes, we have seen reports that Greek and Turkish patrols discharged weapons into the air, but the facts are unclear. We understand nobody was injured and the Greeks and the Turks are discussing the incident in diplomatic channels. We don't know who fired first, and I don't intend to speculate on it. It's being discussed in diplomatic channels.

QUESTION: The meeting between --

MR. RUBIN: With respect to Ambassador Burns' meeting with Foreign Minister Pangalos, they had a productive 90-minute session. The Minister assured Ambassador Burns that the Greek Government wants the strongest possible relationship with the United States. He also assured us that the Greek Government has the greatest and most profound respect for President Clinton and American leaders.

The Minister and Ambassador Burns also agreed that they would continue to work together closely and stay in close touch. They agreed that we need to work constructively on the major issues facing our two nations. Ambassador Burns was told also by Foreign Minister Pangalos that Greece would welcome a visit by special Cyprus coordinator Miller in early September to discuss issues of regional importance.

QUESTION: My people in Athens wants to know if, during this meeting, Ambassador Burns asked Minister Pangalos to revise publicly his statements against US policy to Cyprus?

MR. RUBIN: What I am prepared to say on that - remember, it was a private meeting - is that we are satisfied with what Foreign Minister Pangalos had to say on that subject.

QUESTION: The European Court of Human Rights has ordered Turkey to pay concessions to a Greek-Cypriot woman, a refugee of the --

MR. RUBIN: Same subject over here - we'll come back to that.

QUESTION: Just to wrap something up with Nick, apparently Ambassador Burns is coming back to the United States this weekend. The rumor is floating around that he's being recalled.

MR. RUBIN: No such thing. I just spoke to him; he didn't say he was coming here this weekend.

QUESTION: He's giving a speech --

MR. RUBIN: You've got to stop believing those rumors --

QUESTION: No, but --

MR. RUBIN: About being recalled.

QUESTION: He's giving a speech in Orlando.

QUESTION: He's coming to Orlando.

QUESTION: The rumor is - then there's this associated rumor --

MR. RUBIN: Those rumors - you have to stop believing those rumors. He and I spoke this morning, and he did not give me any indication that he's being recalled And as I said, we're satisfied that the meeting was productive. Any more on that?

Now, this other subject.

QUESTION: The European Court of Human Rights has ordered Turkey to pay compensation to a Greek-Cypriot woman, a refugee, for depriving her ownership rights in the occupied area of Cyprus. Do you have any comment on that?

MR. RUBIN: Let me try to get you something on that after the briefing.

QUESTION: For the camera, could you comment on the new Prime Minister of Japan, Mr. Obuchi; and specifically respond to his appointments of Miyazawa as Finance Minister and Mr. Koumura as Foreign Minister?

MR. RUBIN: We congratulate Mr. Obuchi on his election as Prime Minister. We have worked well and closely with Mr. Obuchi when he was Foreign Minister to strengthen our bilateral ties and on a number issues of mutual interest. We look forward to continuing that productive relationship with Mr. Obuchi in his new role as Prime Minister.

With respect to Mr. Miyazawa, who has served as prime minister and has held a variety of senior cabinet positions, he is a well-known and widely respected figure in the United States. We have had an excellent relationship with Mr. Miyazawa in his previous government post, and we expect that constructive relationship to continue.

We have also worked closely with the new Foreign Minister Koumura in his previous post as Minister of State for Foreign Affairs; and we look forward to working with him and all the new members of the cabinet on the full range of issue in the US-Japan relationship.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) - occasions that the Administration --

MR. RUBIN: Do you have a follow up?

QUESTION: Yes, I had a couple of follow ups. Do you think that they have the experience or the boldness to push through reform? And do you have a time limit for them to be able to prove themselves?

MR. RUBIN: We hope and expect the new government will act expeditiously to address the broad range of economic challenges facing Japan. Yes.

QUESTION: Well, sort of in that are, but a not so generalized reply is what I'd like to get from you. There have been indications - very strong indications - the Administration wasn't happy with the prior administration in Tokyo. Now that you know the players, your happy statement about the new government, where do you expect to see improvement? What are you particularly looking for and what are the chances of a better economic relationship now?

MR. RUBIN: Well, this government was just formed yesterday, Barry, and --

QUESTION: But they're known players.

MR. RUBIN: The players are known to a certain extent, but the policies will have to be formulated for us to be able to react to them. I think we've set out very clearly the kind of things we want to see in terms of banking deregulation and other matters. But we want to make clear there are a broad range of economic challenges that we want them to act on and deal with expeditiously.

QUESTION: Do you think they'll likely do better with this group than the previous group?

MR. RUBIN: We want to judge in Japan, as in any part of the world, actions; and we want them to deal with these challenges as soon as possible.

QUESTION: Jamie, on the Japanese debt article today in the paper, do you have reason to believe the Japanese have been hiding the size of their debt; and do you have an estimate as to what the size of that debt might be?

MR. RUBIN: I think that would have to come from those who do our financial analyses, primarily at the Treasury Department; and I'd refer you to them.

More on this?

QUESTION: Yes, actually, do you think that September 21 the UN General Assembly is going to be the first site for bilaterals between --

MR. RUBIN: I have not heard about exactly what the next steps are. I would expect us to be in touch, now that the government is formed, with the government there and discuss it with them first before talking about what the next opportunity for high-level meetings are.

QUESTION: Do you think that sounds like a reasonable date, or do you think something in --

MR. RUBIN: We'll know better after we talk to them.

QUESTION: Jamie, back on St. Kitts, are you satisfied with the security measures that the authorities on St. Kitts have adopted to ensure that no harm will come to Americans living there?

MR. RUBIN: Let me state very clearly that we have a framework of cooperation between our two countries both in counteracting international criminal organizations and in confronting narcotics operations. We work closely with them. There is no guarantee in this world that one can stop anybody on any given day; but we are working with them and it is, in the first instance, their responsibility.

As far as whether we're unsatisfied, I haven't heard that. So if that helps --

QUESTION: Last time there was such a threat in the Caribbean, there was an invasion - Grenada, 1983. Do you know of any contingency planning going on?

MR. RUBIN: Let me say as follows. First of all, I'm not sure I could agree with your exact formulation for what happened in Grenada. It might generate questions from other parts of the world.

But let me say this - we have contingency plans to allow the American citizens to get off the island. There are significant numbers of commercially scheduled flights - I believe five or six or so each day. And in the event that wasn't sufficient, there's the possibility of charter flights. We always have contingency plans to try to assist Americans in places where they're in danger; but I wouldn't be able to comment on them any further.

QUESTION: Are you advising that Americans leave the island yet?

MR. RUBIN: At this point we are not advising them to leave; we are alerting them to the danger so they are aware of what the problems are, what the risks are and what the specific information we have is.

QUESTION: Speaking of intimidating Americans, if you're familiar with a travel advisory yesterday on Eritrea-Ethiopia -- I don't know if you are - but there was a little statement --

MR. RUBIN: I'd have to get you --

QUESTION: Well, if you'll trust my summary of it, it warns Americans and US citizens of Eritrean background to stay away from border areas, et cetera. The reason is that the Ethiopian Government seems to be detaining these people and forcing them to leave - releasing them and telling them they have to go back to the United States; they can't stay there. I just wondered - it may be a little obscure - but I wondered if - sort of the St. Kitts thing reminds me - is there anything the US can do with what seems to be unreasonable arrests of US citizens, except to tell Americans to get out of there, stay away?

MR. RUBIN: In Eritrea?

QUESTION: Well, it's in Ethiopia. But it's the border area, and you're telling people, don't cross the border; but you're also telling them, don't get near the Eritrean border. As you know, there's a long history of enmity between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

MR. RUBIN: I'm unfamiliar with the details of what we've been advising Americans there, so I'd like to ask our able Lee McClenny to --

QUESTION: (Inaudible) - travel thing, but I'm asking in a more policy way. Are you taking this up with the Ethiopian Government, to knock it off?

MR. RUBIN: Between Lee McClenny and our able consular affairs officers, I hope we can get adequate answers to that question.

QUESTION: Do you have anything new on Chris Hill's attempts to get talks started in Kosovo?

MR. RUBIN: I spoke to Ambassador Hill this morning, and we want to welcome the agreement in principle that has been reached to put together an all-party executive. By putting together an all-party executive, at least in principle, we are making substantial progress towards being able to get a credible negotiating process begun. And it is only that negotiating process that can provide us the ability to resolve this problem. It is a problem that can only be resolved through the negotiating process.

But let me say this - there are significant details that remain to be worked out for that negotiating team. They have not been nailed down, and Ambassador Hill is working with them on the remaining details. The problem in the last couple of days has been the climate created by Slobodan Milosevic's Serb forces taking offensive action in Kosovo. That climate of intimidation and, as a result of that offensive, has made it difficult in the last two days to get some additional things locked in that would have enabled this thing to be put together completely.

But we are making substantial progress towards getting what we think is an intention for all the Albanian parties and viewpoints to be reflected and a mandate to be created for negotiations.

QUESTION: Do you have any idea how long this might take, Jamie?

MR. RUBIN: It's hard to say. I just told you the climate was set back by the Serb offensive, but Ambassador Hill is working on it.

QUESTION: Do you have any reason to believe that Milosevic is deliberately trying to sabotage efforts to set up this team?

MR. RUBIN: That would require us to get inside his head, and it's not some place I want to be. But with respect to our analysis of the situation, let me say this -- we, at various times, have thought that President Milosevic has begun to realize that it is only through negotiations can he save Yugoslavia from further chaos. But that doesn't mean it has sunk in sufficiently for him to not pursue the kind of offensives that have alienated the people there, radicalized the population and made it harder and harder for us to conduct these negotiations.

In that regard, let me say that we hold the Serbian authorities responsible for the civilian casualties and the civilian disruptions and murders, as they may or may not have been committed -- there have been reports to that effect - that are resulting from these military operations, and we hold him responsible. Whether he is trying to sabotage the negotiating process is a question only he can answer. What we can do is to try to bring home to him the danger of allowing this thing to spin out of control both for him, for Yugoslavia, but primarily for the people living there.

QUESTION: Jamie, the Serb media just a few hours ago is reporting that Milosevic has called a halt to all offensive operations in Kosovo. Can you - -

MR. RUBIN: We'll have to see; there has been --

QUESTION: Are you seeing that on the ground?

MR. RUBIN: I don't have a real-time analysis from the last two hours - from since those words were uttered; but we are going to be watching actions and not words. The Serbian authorities have been promising to exercise restraint, and we don't think there was restraint in the last series of activities. We think they further radicalized the population and made it harder, as I indicated, in very concrete ways, to get the various Kosovar Albanian factions to work together in an all-party executive.

QUESTION: But you did see the statement?

MR. RUBIN: I'm familiar with news reports to that effect, but what I can tell you is that we're going to wait and see what happens. Even if there were a drop in fighting for two hours, that has no substantive meaning.

QUESTION: But you haven't tried to flesh it out with the Serbian Government?

MR. RUBIN: I expect Ambassador Hill to be back in Belgrade tomorrow to discuss this further. Our monitors are in the field doing their job and trying to get access to all the areas they need to get access to do their job. I don't have a report from the last two hours from the monitors on the ground.

QUESTION: But would it be fair to say that you're skeptical of the claim?

MR. RUBIN: It's hard to be - this is not a person whose words and actions are in sync on a regular basis.

QUESTION: Is one of the details that you mentioned --

MR. RUBIN: Go ahead.

QUESTION: It's been about four years since I sat in this chair and when I left my post --

MR. RUBIN: We've missed you.

QUESTION: Yes, well, you don't know me, so you probably haven't. But when I left my post, though, your predecessor was standing on that podium saying much the same thing about Bosnia -- it's terrible and Milosevic has to stop, the consequences are going to be awful. And here we are again, same thing, hundreds of thousands of refugees. I mean, why would he take these words with any kind of seriousness whatsoever?

MR. RUBIN: Well, since you sat in that chair, you're familiar with the use of American military power against the Serbian authorities and the efforts that Ambassador Holbrooke made to make peace in Dayton, so I'm sure you can answer your own question.

QUESTION: Follow-up - all that kind of stuff happened after I left, absolutely. But is there a threat of American military power; and if so, could it be made a little more explicit?

MR. RUBIN: Well, certainly not because you posed the question; but I will state our policy. The policy is quite clear - that we regarded the situation as one in which there were national security interests engaged. The concerns that we have about what has gone on in the last several months have generated very quickly a sanctions package that has been put on Serbia and an accelerated military planning package that has been going over and finalized and fleshed out by the military experts who do this work.

We have made quite clear that the concerns we have are related to the instability and insecurity that could be created by a massive refugee exodus from Kosovo, and the instability and insecurity that could create in the region; as well as the humanitarian effect of these kinds of military offensives. So those factors are the factors that generated our military planning, that made it very clear that we were not going to rule out the military option, that we were going to explore all options. When we are ready to report more on that, we shall do so.

QUESTION: Can I get a follow-up? Is it clear to Milosevic - has it been made clear to Milosevic by US officials the US does not support secession? I mean, you spoke of Yugoslavia and if he wants to maintain Yugoslavia - (inaudible). Yugoslavia has been shrinking, as you noticed, over the last ten years; and of course, further shrinkage must alarm him. I know it's been said here in Washington several times that those people that - those ethnic Albanians have other goals. Has the US told him that secession has not got US support or encouragement?

MR. RUBIN: Yes, we've made very clear to everyone concerned - I've certainly said it from this podium - that we do not support independence for the people of Kosovo. We think that is an illusion. We do support greater self-government by them; and the autonomy that was stripped of them by President Milosevic so many years ago has denied them their legitimate rights. But we do not support independence.

QUESTION: You say you can't get into his head, and that's understandable. What is it, then, that keeps him from negotiating?

MR. RUBIN: Well, at various times he has negotiated and discussed matters with us, and parts of what he's said, he's followed through on. I'm just not prepared to say that everything he says, he will follow through on until we see it.

QUESTION: No, I mean, he's not prepared to send a negotiating delegation to the table to talk to ethnic Albanians, is he?

MR. RUBIN: Well, we don't think his --

QUESTION: I mean, on a long-term basis.

MR. RUBIN: Barry, I don't think we see this as a procedural problem; we're not having procedural problems. The procedural problem, to the extent there was a procedural problem, was related to the Albanian side in getting an authoritative group together that could speak for all the relevant voices in Kosovo. We are hoping very shortly to nail down the details of such a negotiating delegation.

With respect to face-to-face meetings, that is not the issue. We have begun discussions with President Milosevic and with some of the Kosovar Albanians about what would be necessary - beginning with a reduction in fighting and, ultimately, greater self-government for the people there. So the substance is being discussed. We've made clear our views to both sides. But we don't care to share the details of those kind of diplomatic exchanges at this time.

QUESTION: Is one of the details that's in question here the participation of the Kosovo Liberation Army?

MR. RUBIN: That is not a primary hurdle at this point. The real hurdle is who exactly sits on the delegation - how many from each grouping. But the KLA issue, I think, has been largely resolved. There will be those at the table who reflect their views either directly or indirectly. That's not a particularly important remaining detail, according to Ambassador Hill.

QUESTION: The European representatives in that region have also been involved in this process. Is there some sort of division of labor between Christopher Hill and the Europeans, or are they working on a parallel track? What is the relationship?

MR. RUBIN: We are in very close contact with our European allies, especially those on the Contact Group. Ambassador Hill meets with them regularly; he's met with the group that's there. I think he is probably in more daily contact, and the people working with him, with both sides than any other. But we're coordinating as best we can with other governments.

QUESTION: What's your latest estimate on the number of displaced persons?

MR. RUBIN: The numbers I have are that overall there are some 200,000 people that have been displaced in one form or another by the fighting in Kosovo - 140,000 of which we believe are in Kosovo itself.

QUESTION: So that isn't the kind of massive displacement that you were talking about before that might have triggered a US military response?

MR. RUBIN: I think you probably heard me carefully; so let me say it again. The kind of displacement that would spill over into other countries.

QUESTION: Oh, in other words, they have to be driven not only out of their homes, but out of their country?

MR. RUBIN: I'm describing two factors to you and I think - I hope you're hearing them. They are one, the humanitarian factor; and two, the extent to which the insecurity crosses borders into other countries like Albania, like the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and other places. Those factors will play into our decision-making as well as the humanitarian situation.

With respect to the displaced inside Kosovo, we are working very hard through the Red Cross and the UNHCR to get help to these people. We are trying to get as much access as possible for our monitors to help the people on the ground who are actually suffering - the people who have been driven out of their homes. That's something that we spend a lot of time and money on, and we are working on that. We're calling on the Serbian authorities to give us the access we need in order to be able to avoid the kind of humanitarian catastrophe that could happen in the absence of facilities and assistance to those people.

QUESTION: Back on the negotiating team, the Kosovar negotiating team - is it still your condition that Dr. Rugova be the head of that panel?

MR. RUBIN: We wanted to see a Pristina-based group led by Dr. Rugova, and we do believe that the agreement in principle that he announced reflects those needs.

QUESTION: Okay. The reason I ask is there was a story in a British paper today which says that the United States has agreed to limit Rugova's role in favor of others, such as the Albanian Democratic Movement, in exchange for everyone's agreement to participate in this negotiation.

MR. RUBIN: Right, I would call that an interpretive lead. That is not our view; we have not marginalized or sidelined Dr. Rugova. There is the possibility of additional participation, including by a Mr. Hajriozi who would play a role perhaps described simply as a number two in the system. Dr. Rugova is not being sidelined, not being marginalized.

We did, of course, want to get as may different views included in this all- party executive as we could, but Dr. Rugova made this announcement himself, and I think there is a general view that he is the leader of the Kosovar Albanians and that he is a central and indispensable player. People may choose to interpret things for their own reasons.

QUESTION: And you think that this interpretation is just based on the fact that Mr. --

MR. RUBIN: That there's a new figure in the game.

QUESTION: These internally displaced people, where are they physically? Are they in refugee camps or are they just wandering around or --

MR. RUBIN: I'll have to get you some further information on that.

QUESTION: How are we delivering aid to them?

MR. RUBIN: We're doing as I said - working through the UNHCR and the Red Cross to get them assistance.

QUESTION: Go to Asia?

QUESTION: Actually, one more question. You had said that Milosevic's actions speak louder than words. In light of repeated sort of on-again, off- again offensives by the Serb military - by the Yugoslav army - what is the message?

MR. RUBIN: I'm sorry, I don't understand the question.

QUESTION: Because if actions speak louder than words and his actions have been on-again, off-again offensives launched by his army, by his police, what is the message as far as the US Government is concerned? Is he serious about talking?

MR. RUBIN: We have talked with him about what we would want to achieve in a discussion. We have made certain things he has agreed to do - not everything we want him to do -- not even close. We're going to continue to work with him because he is in a position to control the Serbian forces there and in a position to negotiate the kind of arrangement that will stop the killing and stop people from being sent out of their homes, and dealing with what we believe is a conflict that can only be resolved at the negotiating table. So we will continue to work with him, but we have no illusions about him or what his tactics may or may not be. The proof of the pudding will come in the delivery of promises, not the uttering of those promises.

QUESTION: Certainly that is no surprise to Mr. Milosevic, and he is continuing to use his military to intimidate and to kill people within Kosovo. What is it that you expect to see him do that's going to change the situation?

MR. RUBIN: Well, we've set out very clearly what we expect him to do. I think you're familiar with what we want him to do and what we don't want him to do. Certainly, an example of what we don't want him to do, that we regard as unacceptable, is causing the kind of civilian casualties and dislocations that we've seen in recent days.

The question is, how do you resolve the problem? Our view at this juncture is the best way to resolve the problem is to get a negotiating process in gear that will lead to a reduction in the fighting and greater self- government for the people of Kosovo. That is what our diplomatic efforts are focused on, and that is what Ambassador Hill is doing. It is something that may or may not prove successful; it's something that has occasionally proved successful - as the Dayton accords show, with respect to President Milosevic - but often not as quickly or as cleanly as one would want.

But I know it's very fashionable to make the comparison between Bosnia and Kosovo in terms of the people there; but it's not a correct analogy. The only similarity is President Milosevic. And he is pursuing the same kind of behavior that has led to his isolation in Kosovo that he did in Bosnia. But despite the fashion that has been increasingly commonplace, Kosovo is not Bosnia; it is a part of Yugoslavia. The people there deserve their rights and deserve their freedoms, but they are not an independent country the way Bosnia was.

QUESTION: Does the United States support the Kosovar Albanians in their push for a greater Albania?

MR. RUBIN: Absolutely not. We don't support independence for the Kosovar region, and we, therefore, couldn't support their joining with other Albanians outside of Kosovo. That would be destabilizing and dangerous for all concerned.

QUESTION: What about a status like Montenegro's?

MR. RUBIN: Well, describing the exact nature of how to get greater self- government and greater rights for the people of Kosovo is precisely what Ambassador Hill is doing with President Milosevic and the Kosovar Albanians. I've tried to give you a general flavor of it - greater self- government, greater control over their own institutions - but exactly the form in which it would take is something we prefer to leave for the negotiators to do in private at this stage.

QUESTION: Cambodia - what is the State Department's assessment of Hun Sen's offer to share power with his rivals? And what's your appraisal of the elections?

MR. RUBIN: Yes, on the second point first, national election committee officials, accompanied by international observers, are continuing their investigation of alleged vote-counting irregularities. The charges of fraud and irregularities leveled by Prince Ranariddh and Sam Rainsy are serious allegations. We are encouraged that the Cambodian authorities are investigating these charges.

Let me point out that highly respected Cambodian non-governmental organizations indicated these complaints are not widespread and should not fundamentally alter the outcome of the election. We don't have final results which to react to, but that is our view of the charges of irregularities and the extent to which some credible NGOs have made clear they don't think they are widespread.

With respect to the coalition issues, obviously we've seen the reports that Hun Sen has proposed a three-way coalition. We're unaware of any reaction to this proposal from King Sihanouk at this time. But let me say this -- it is the responsibility of the leaders of Cambodia's political parties to peacefully establish a new government in accord with the election results. The Cambodian people will best be served by a calm, deliberate, non- violent process in which a new, democratically elected government is put in place.

QUESTION: Have you been following the latest twist in the Aung San Suu Kyi drama?

MR. RUBIN: Yes. The United States condemns in the strongest possible terms the manhandling of Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma on July 30 and the six days of detention and deprivation to which she was subjected at the hands of the so-called government there. This callous disregard for her safety, the rule of law and fundamental freedoms of movement and association are unacceptable violations of her human rights.

The United States calls on the government of Burma to stop this harassment of the non-violent opposition; to release the members of Parliament who have been recently detained; and to enter into a substantive dialogue with the National League for Democracy and the leaders of the ethnic minorities in order to solve the decade-long political conflict in Burma.

QUESTION: Jamie, it's my understanding that she stayed in the car - or the choice to stay in the car was hers. She wasn't forced in some way to stay in her car for six days; that was --

MR. RUBIN: She was seeking to exercise a right that we regard as a human right that she has, which is to travel around her own country.

QUESTION: Right, but I'm just - the word you used, "detention" - I don't know that that's the accurate word.

MR. RUBIN: She was forcibly removed from the location back to Rangoon, so during that period she wasn't where she wanted to be; and, therefore, in our view, she was detained.

QUESTION: Yes, but you're not calling her six days in the car a forcible detention?

MR. RUBIN: I see your technical point, but I don't think it changes one whit the fact that her - there was a fundamental violation of her human rights that occurred there.

QUESTION: A question on Indonesia. During the May riot, there were more than 200 ethnic Chinese women who were raped, and there has been a report that the Indonesian military might be behind the crime. I don't know whether the US Government has urged the Indonesian Government to do - to conduct an investigation on the case.

MR. RUBIN: What I know is that the Indonesian Government has been doing inquiries into the events that occurred during that period and the extent to which its own officials may have been involved in serious abuses. We have called on them to get to the bottom of this, and some changes have taken place, and we will continue to urge them to investigate.

QUESTION: Did Secretary Albright meet with the Indonesian Foreign Minister in Manila and express her concern on the violation of basic human rights?

MR. RUBIN: I will try to get you the read-out from her meetings there after the briefing. More Asia - do you have Asia?

QUESTION: KEDO's agreement for Tuesday - what can you say the US commitment is to the light water reactors cost-sharing in this stage?

MR. RUBIN: We've made clear that we want to work to arrange the necessary support for KEDO so that they are in a position both to provide the heavy fuel oil necessary, as well as that financial arrangements are made for the light water reactors. But we didn't, in that agreement, make a specific financial commitment.

QUESTION: To an explanation to the Congress, how would you explain for the future possible cost-sharing with the light water reactors?

MR. RUBIN: The numbers on that I think you're familiar with - the extent to which the Japanese and the South Koreans made financial commitments. There is a gap, I believe, of several hundred million dollars out of several billion dollars; so under 10 percent of the financing still needs to be worked out. We want to work with other countries and our Congress to try to make sure that we've done all we can to provide the necessary financing, both for the heavy fuel oil and for the light water reactors.

QUESTION: One more - what's the update on consultations with Congress regarding the heavy fuel oil - the funding?

MR. RUBIN: I'm sorry - I didn't understand the question.

QUESTION: To update --

MR. RUBIN: An update - I don't have new numbers for you on that; I know I've been trying to give you some numbers as we've gotten agreement and consultations have occurred on new financial commitments. I don't have new numbers for you, but we'll try to get them for you.

QUESTION: Another topic - the PAN AM 103 possible movement of trial to Amsterdam - is there any movement that you can report on that? And if you can't, when would we expect to hear something from the USA?

MR. RUBIN: I don't have anything new to report. We continue to discuss the matter with British officials and officials from The Netherlands. The lawyers are working on this, exploring it, to see whether legal hurdles can be overcome. No final decision has been made on this, and I don't have any new information to report.

QUESTION: And no deadline?

MR. RUBIN: No. This is something you want to get right.

QUESTION: Jamie, has there been any statement by the State Department about the growing tension with the coal miner's strikes in Russia? Because according to yesterday's reports, there's a risk that without the coal, the Chelyabinsk nuclear plant could suffer a meltdown.

MR. RUBIN: I have no information on the specific issues connected with our view of that strike, but we'll try to get you something after the briefing.

QUESTION: Thank you.

(The briefing concluded at 1:20 P.M.)

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