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U.S. Department of State Daily Press Briefing #128, 97-09-05

U.S. State Department: Daily Press Briefings Directory - Previous Article - Next Article

From: The Department of State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) at <http://www.state.gov>


1143

U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing

I N D E X

Friday, September 5, 1997

Briefer: James B. Foley

MIDDLE EAST
1-2,13      Lebanon: conflict with Israel; peace negotiations and talks
2-5,8       Israel: details/aims of Israeli operation; April accords;
              Israeli threat to invade Palestine; US assessment of
              trilateral security coordination
14          Hamas and Islamic Jihad capture; Israeli closures; withholding
              tax fund; reducing tension
5-6         Political climate; mass arrests of Palestinians; antiterrorism
              bill
6-7         Albright's contact with Netanyahu, Arafat, Talbott; Ross
              meeting with Palestinians
7-10        Status of the peace process; interim agreement
8           Northern Ireland peace process compared; Hamas and Islamic
              Jihad as participants; extremist groups; military and
              political arms
9-10,13     US support of Arafat; Albright's trip

NORTH KOREA 10 US-North Korea meeting; 4 party talks; missile talks

CUBA 11 Bombings; alleged US involvement

CYPRUS 12 US view of sovereignty; Turkish air space violations; RAP system

TURKEY 12-13 arrest of pro-democracy advocates; US response 17 meeting with Turkish State Minister

BOSNIA 14-15 Plavsic's Ministers; Contact Group; US policy on Pale Serbs 16-17 NATO action in Brcko; opening the bridge; Pale compliance with transmitter conditions

VIETNAM 17-18 Pham Kham, dissident released from jail

CAMBODIA 18-19 Abuse by Hun Sen's officials; UN report

RUSSIA 19 Lebed's charge of unaccounted for nuclear weapons


U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING

DPB #128

FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1997, 12:44 P.M.

(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)

MR. FOLEY: I think we have a quorum. Barry, I have no announcements to make.

QUESTION: All right, well, we just had a couple of Middle East folks stop in the doorway and talk to us. One was the Lebanese ambassador, and he was giving his version of what happened in Lebanon. One thing that was interesting was the involvement of the Lebanese army, which doesn't happen all the time. He said it was because the Israelis had infiltrated - he sort of said they were planting bombs. Does the State Department have - when you're done deploring the violence and all and appealing for restraint, could you get to the second layer and tell us if the State Department has a view as to Lebanon right - if that what it is - to defend its territory and try to force the Israelis out?

MR. FOLEY: Well, as you know, this has happened on previous occasions - on many occasions, even. Our message is one of restraint. It is a very delicate moment in the Middle East, throughout the Middle East - including in Lebanon. We urge all the parties to exercise maximum restraint. We cannot afford to see an escalation of the cycle of violence. We need a diffusing of tensions in Southern Lebanon.

We understand that Israel launched this commando raid south of Sidon today. The raid and subsequent fighting between Israeli forces and those belonging to Hezbollah and the Amal Militia resulted in 12 Israeli soldiers killed.

We've only seen press reports on the involvement of the Lebanese army. According to those reports, the Lebanese army soldiers were wounded in an Israeli air strike on their position. The ground fighting, however, appeared to have involved Hezbollah and Amal guerrillas against the IDF.

QUESTION: As far as the US knows, the Lebanese did not play an active role in the combat?

MR. FOLEY: That's our understanding, yes.

QUESTION: So I guess it's academic to ask you what you think about the Lebanese role. Do you still feel that Lebanon can take care of South Lebanon and police it well enough so that the Israelis should go home?

MR. FOLEY: Well, as you know, we look forward to the day -- and we hope it's an early day - when Lebanon is able to assert control and maintain its sovereignty over the length and breadth of its territory. We are constantly urging the parties involved to return to the negotiating table to ensure that these examples of violence are eliminated; that the dispute - the main kernel of the dispute is settled; and that Lebanon is able, as I said, to enjoy the full sovereignty.

QUESTION: Who are the parties involved - that should go to the table?

MR. FOLEY: I'm sorry, in terms of the recent fighting?

QUESTION: Well, you said the parties involved should return to the table to resolve the fighting in South Lebanon. Who are the parties involved?

MR. FOLEY: I think it's no secret that the problems in Lebanon are connected to the overall issue of Syrian-Israeli relations. As you know, the Secretary on her upcoming trip to the region, will be visiting Damascus. We've discussed over the last two days, obviously, the Palestinian and Israeli angle. But her trip does indeed have a broader focus. We do hope that we will be able to see eventually a resumption of negotiations.

QUESTION: But the ambassador speaks of two different phases. He spoke of the overall negotiations and was quite clear that that position remains that Lebanon is awaiting or wants to see a comprehensive arrangement. But so far, Israel getting out of there, he seemed to say that negotiations - I suppose he'd rather have unilateral withdrawal - but negotiations could begin separately and apart from the whole set of talks. I don't know if the US supports that. I don't know that I've ever heard that. And who would negotiate?

MR. FOLEY: Barry, I didn't see his comments. We'd have to get them, and our experts would have to sit down and analyze them. So I really couldn't comment on that.

QUESTION: Who did he see, by the way? He was very --

MR. FOLEY: I'd have to get that for you. I imagine he saw senior officials in our Middle East Bureau, NEA.

Yes.

QUESTION: Have you got any explanation from the Israeli Government on this operation and what was the aim of this operation?

MR. FOLEY: No. This was, obviously, an operation that has just taken place today, the details of which are still unclear. We may have had contact with the Israeli Government in Israel, through our embassy, but I don't have a read-out of that. So it's impossible to say from this podium, at this point, what the Israeli intentions were.

QUESTION: Two questions. The ambassador also sort of hinted that the Israeli soldiers might have blown themselves up, if you can bring any light to that. And secondly, is this type of operation, this infiltration and booby trap operation, a violation of the April accords that Secretary Christopher brokered?

MR. FOLEY: Well, I believe that the accords - I have to be careful here, because I don't have the text before me - but I believe they obliged the parties, and in this case Israel, not to fire weapons at civilians or at civilian targets in Lebanon. As to whether the Monitoring Group has a role to play or might be seized, that would depend on the parties. If any party wished to bring it to the group, that would be convened

Your other question was one that I can't answer, though, because, again, the details are still just coming in.

QUESTION: Okay. So it's not, in this building's mind, what happened - the Israeli operation is not a clear violation of the April accords?

MR. FOLEY: We're not in a position to characterize the operation right now. All that I can say, and I think the important point to underline, is really the need to prevent this latest cycle of violence from escalating any further. We need maximum restraint on all parties. It's a very delicate moment throughout the Middle East.

Talal.

QUESTION: Israel is threatening to go into the Palestinian areas and arrest about 200 people. Are you counseling them against it?

MR. FOLEY: Well, I've not seen any specific report to that effect. We really are not in the habit, as you know, of answering hypothetical questions, and I'm certainly not going to get into that one. However, I can only emphasize what we've been stating from this podium for weeks now, and which I reiterated yesterday, which is that we expect the Palestinian Authority to do its utmost. We look for 100 percent effort, including unilateral measures, to root out and destroy the terrorist infrastructure in those territories.

Yes.

QUESTION: Saeb Erakat says they are already making 100 percent effort -- those were his words when he came out of here - and they already have zero tolerance for terrorism. He suggests that the trilateral security coordination is sufficient.

MR. FOLEY: We don't share that assessment.

QUESTION: Well, he says the State Department is -- I don't know if he qualified it - satisfied or mostly satisfied, I think he said, with -- mostly satisfied with their exerting --

MR. FOLEY: I stated --

QUESTION: -- exerting 100 percent effort.

MR. FOLEY: I stated yesterday that, when asked in connection with the Secretary's upcoming trip to the region, that in the wake of Ambassador Ross' last visit to the region and the establishment of the security mechanism in which we have been participating, that we believe there had been some progress on security cooperation.

Now, that is one determination. But the Secretary of State, in her remarks in Prague yesterday, made clear that what we're looking for are unilateral actions on the part of the Palestinian Authority that we haven't seen

Yes.

QUESTION: This Israeli demand that the Palestinians have a massive round- up of suspects - Mr. Erakat said that would be unconstitutional - my word, not his - trample on the human rights of Palestinians; and it was unreasonable for them to - for Israel to ask them to do that. Do you share the view that there should be more organized, kind of due process rounding up of Hamas and Islamic Jihad? Or do you think, as the Israelis say, they should just go in and clean house?

MR. FOLEY: I think the Palestinians have as great an interest as anyone in the Middle East in seeing a peace process that is on track and that is heading towards successful resolution of the major political issues and problems at play. As we have stated, security is a central element of this whole equation. It has to be going hand in hand with hopes for political progress. It is in the supreme interest of the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian people that 100 percent efforts be undertaken to root out this problem.

I think this is a compelling interest on the part of the Palestinian Authority, and I think I wouldn't say any more.

QUESTION: Just to follow up a little bit on this, Arafat said that the closures Israel made after the first bombing in withholding the tax fund created an environment of fanaticism for maybe this to happen a second time. How do you respond to that? And is there -- we've talked a lot about what the Palestinians need to do; obviously, security and beefing up, cracking down on terrorists. But is there anything that Israelis could do to reduce tensions? I know that this is sort of a delicate moment, but thinking ahead?

MR. FOLEY: Well, if you're taking a snapshot today, we're 24 hours removed from another horrible bombing in Israel that claimed the lives of innocent civilians and wounded nearly 200 civilians. It won't surprise you if we're focusing almost exclusively on that issue today. As I've said before, it's not an issue that's going to go away. It will be uppermost in the Secretary's agenda on her trip - especially in Israel and when she visits the Palestinian Authority.

QUESTION: And responding to Arafat's comments? Could you just --

MR. FOLEY: Well, I can only repeat what I said yesterday, which is that terrorism is completely unjustified. I was asked a question yesterday about a bombing in Havana. And of course I gave the same answer - we condemn terrorism anywhere it takes place in the world; there's no justification for it.

As I think the Secretary stated clearly in her speech on August 6, there's no moral equivalency between bombs and bulldozers, I think was her comment in that context. So although we expressed our differences with the Israeli Government over certain of the measures that they undertook in the wake of the July 30 bombing that we felt impacted negatively on the daily lives of Palestinians - and we think it's important that the Palestinians be able to go about in their daily lives and lead normal lives, and this is a critical element also in the peace process - nevertheless, we understood those measures taken by Israel which were directly targeted towards meeting their urgent security needs in the wake of the bombings.

QUESTION: Jim, could I --

MR. FOLEY: Yes.

QUESTION: -- Sid's question. Yesterday, the Secretary, and I think you also, spoke about the necessity of creating a proper political climate where terrorism would not be fostered. Do you think that mass arrests without formal charges would create the right political climate, or would it worsen it?

MR. FOLEY: I'm not sure I could accept the premise of your question. Again, we have not, from this podium, gone into the details of the various positions taken by either side within the security mechanism; and I'm not going to do that now, in terms of what's being asked and what's being done. But you're asking a hypothetical question, and I can't answer it. I can only repeat what I said to a question a few minutes ago. This is a compelling national interest that has to do with the prospects of the Palestinian people in achieving their legitimate political aspirations, and we think it should be viewed and treated as such.

Talal.

QUESTION: Excuse me. It's not hypothetical that the Israeli Government handed over a list of hundreds of Palestinian suspects whom the Israeli Government would like to see arrested or detained. That is not hypothetical. Do you think that is the sort of thing, if carried out, that would contribute to the political climate?

MR. FOLEY: I'm not going to change our practice here of not commenting on the specific issues and deliberations that have been taking place within that security mechanism. I can't do it.

Talal.

QUESTION: Any comment, at least, on Erakat's statement? Just a few minutes ago, outside the State Department's doors, he said that we are asked to arrest people without evidence, just on suspicion, just on Israel's say-so. Do you support arrests outside the due process of law?

MR. FOLEY: I'm sorry, Talal, it's a similar question to one which I declined to answer. Let me try to help, though, in one sense. Of course, we support the rule of law, but governments, democratic governments, all over the world deal with the threat of terrorism. They deal with this threat within the rule of law, but they deal with the threat forcefully and vigorously. That's what we're looking for.

Yes.

QUESTION: Some - (inaudible) --

MR. FOLEY: I wouldn't --

QUESTION: Your antiterrorism bill has been attacked roundly by civil libertarians, because you're short-cutting various procedures for what people who do this call the balancing act of trying to deter terrorism.

MR. FOLEY: On a philosophical level, I would agree with you, Barry.

Yes.

QUESTION: Secretary Albright called the prime minister yesterday. Did she make a similar phone call to Chairman Arafat? And can you characterize what message she may have delivered to him?

MR. FOLEY: I'm not aware that she's called the Chairman. As you know, Dennis Ross spoke to the Chairman yesterday. She's been in contact with Acting Secretary Talbott and other senior department officials, but I don't have a read-out on other phone calls she may have made over the last 24 hours.

QUESTION: Can we do a little bit on the meetings? There were two, evidently, and one was last night.

MR. FOLEY: Which meetings, Barry?

QUESTION: The Palestinians and Dennis Ross, please. Maybe - they're still going on, apparently.

MR. FOLEY: Well, he reviewed - I don't have much, specifically, to say. I had a brief conversation with him, but unfortunately, not much for public consumption, given the nature of the meeting. He discussed and reviewed with them the range of issues in preparation for the Secretary's visit to the region next week. Security, it will be no surprise to you, was at the very top of the agenda.

QUESTION: There was a meeting last night?

MR. FOLEY: Yes, there was a meeting --

QUESTION: Outside the building?

MR. FOLEY: Outside the building.

QUESTION: In his house?

MR. FOLEY: I don't know where it took place.

Yes.

QUESTION: Prime Minister Netanyahu said Israel is not going to give land to Palestinians as long as Arafat doesn't fight against terrorism. This means the peace process is frozen?

MR. FOLEY: No, we don't think the peace process is frozen, but we do believe there's a crisis of confidence. The peace process is in trouble, that is clear. But the Secretary is going to the region next week, and hopes to make progress. If we were hopeless, then we would pack our bags - we would never pack our bags and undertake such a visit.

She is determined in the face of the latest outrage and provocation not to be intimidated, not to be deterred, but to carry on in her mission. So we don't abandon hope, as difficult as we know it's going to be. The bombing certainly made her trip more difficult. But I think, as the President said, it also made her trip more urgent.

QUESTION: Sure. Are this kind of statements productive when you're trying to move the peace process ahead?

MR. FOLEY: Which - you're referring to which statements?

QUESTION: Yeah, the first one; the one of Prime Minister. I mean --

MR. FOLEY: Well, he was referring, I believe, to the interim agreement and the subject of re-deployments. We believe that that agreement is an important one and it still holds. We believe that all parts of the interim agreement need to be implemented.

But clearly, security arrangements and responsibilities are a part of the interim agreement, as indeed security is part and parcel of the overall hopes for an overall peace settlement in the Middle East. The implementation of the agreements - of the interim agreements, however, need to be implemented. The implementation must occur in all parts and on the basis of reciprocity.

QUESTION: On that, Jim, have you looked into the question I asked the other day, which is, do you know if the Israeli Government has held back the September tranche of the tax appropriations for the Palestinians?

MR. FOLEY: I'd still have to get that for you, Jim.

Sid.

QUESTION: Can I just draw a comparison? You probably don't want to address it, but - In Northern Ireland, there is a peace process which you all back, which places the people responsible for the bombings at the negotiating table under certain conditions. Is that something that could be applied, something you might consider with Hamas and Islamic Jihad? Under certain conditions, could they have a role in these negotiations?

MR. FOLEY: Well, it's a hypothetical question, but we don't see any role, any political role for those extremist groups. There was - and I was asked this yesterday - an attempt made by Chairman Arafat some weeks ago to reach out to those groups. We criticized that at the time. A charitable interpretation was that it was an effort to bring them into the tent of those who support peace.

To the extent that that effort was made, I have to assume the scales have fallen from his eyes and he must understand that these are enemies of peace and that the bombing the other day - yesterday's bombing - was directed at him, was directed at the peace process, and shows the futility of political dialogue in including these people in the peace process.

QUESTION: But, Jim, Jim --

QUESTION: I --

MR. FOLEY: Go ahead, please.

QUESTION: Well, Mr. Erakat attempts, and maybe rightfully so, to draw a distinction between the political arm of these groups and their military arm. While condemning the military arms, he says the political arms have a legitimate voice in a democratic entity. You don't seem to agree with that at all. And he's referring directly to the people that Arafat was meeting with, hugging and so forth.

MR. FOLEY: I think anyone who wanted to play a role in the political process would have to demonstrate by deed as well as word that they were doing all that they could to sever ties -- I'm speaking about leaders of those kinds of groups - with any kinds of activities; doing everything in their power to crush and eliminate such terrorist activities. Certainly in word, as well, to condemn such activities. I don't think we've ever seen anything on the part of leaders of those extremist organizations that demonstrates such an attempt.

Bill.

QUESTION: So but indeed, Arafat has now fallen on his face. He's failed to prevent terrorists from getting into Jerusalem. He has embraced, kissed the Hamas leadership. Isn't it time that the United States is hinting to Arafat to step down. Why do we continue to support him when it's a non- starter with the Israelis?

MR. FOLEY: Bill, I think I addressed the question of his relationship with the extremist leaders just a minute ago. I don't think I need to say anything more on that subject.

QUESTION: One other thing, though.

MR. FOLEY: Yeah.

QUESTION: When you, the Secretary, whatever, ask for more from the Authority, you never speak of statements. You speak of -- you don't ever speak of words. Presumably, you're now against kissing. I wonder if you're in favor of - or do you think Arafat has sufficiently said publicly so that everyone could hear that he has zero tolerance -

MR. FOLEY: I don't have the text right in front of me of the Secretary's statement in Prague yesterday, but I do believe that she talked about creating an environment in which there is no tolerance for terrorist activity. I think it's clear that - we often, at this podium, say that words are not enough and that actions are more important.

QUESTION: Right. But words are important, too.

MR. FOLEY: They are also important, yes.

QUESTION: Have you heard all the words you think you have to hear, publicly, from Arafat about what his associate calls his zero tolerance for terrorism?

MR. FOLEY: I think we've heard some of the right words, but we are looking for unilateral actions to stamp out, root out and crush the terrorist infrastructure in those territories.

Any other questions on the Middle East?

Patrick.

QUESTION: Yes. You've said that the question of security will be uppermost during the Secretary's trip next week, but will she still be taking ideas for restarting the peace talks?

MR. FOLEY: I don't think I can improve on my eloquent attempt yesterday to describe her agenda in her upcoming visit. As I said yesterday, first things first. She will be addressing the issue of security. That's of critical importance, now; that this issue be resolved, be addressed sufficiently, so that will be number one on her agenda.

It's difficult at this moment, just after the bombing, to forecast specifically to what extent she will also be able to address other political issues. I certainly won't rule it out. Certainly, her overriding aim on this visit is to help overcome the crisis of confidence, help restore hope in the political process and the peace process. To that extent, certainly, the trip will have a political dimension.

Yes.

QUESTION: Do you have anything on the North Korea and US meeting in New York yesterday?

MR. FOLEY: Well, there was a meeting yesterday at the level of the North Korea office director, Mark Minton. It's possible there could be other meetings or another meeting next week. Nothing specifically was scheduled. But that's really all I have to say on that.

QUESTION: Did the North Koreans say they were coming to the four-party talks?

MR. FOLEY: They didn't say that they were; they didn't say that they were not. There's been no change in their position. I have nothing new to report on that. Our offered assumption remains that they will come.

QUESTION: Did Minton ask if they were coming?

MR. FOLEY: I have nothing more to say on their meeting.

(Laughter.)

Good question.

More on North Korea?

QUESTION: What about resumption of missile talks?

MR. FOLEY: I have nothing new on that.

George. On North Korea or --

QUESTION: No, this is Cuba.

MR. FOLEY: Do we have anything more on North Korea?

QUESTION: On the Middle East, Bosnia.

MR. FOLEY: Okay. Well, let's do George and we'll come back over there.

QUESTION: No, no, no, no, no, Bosnia is not the MiddleEast.

MR. FOLEY: George, you set the table.

QUESTION: The Cuban Government said the perpetrators of the bombings yesterday were groups which receive support from US-based groups. Do you have anything to say about that? Has the Cuban Government been in touch with you about this?

MR. FOLEY: I don't have much news since yesterday. Our interest section in Havana has confirmed the reports of the explosions at the Copacabana, the Triton and the Chateau Hotels. We are obviously saddened by reports that an Italian citizen visiting Cuba was killed at the Copacabana. We are checking reports, also, of an explosion last night -- I don't have any detail on that - at a restaurant in Havana's Old City.

I can also tell you that our information is that there were no US citizens staying at any of the hotels, and therefore we believe there were no US citizens injured in the bombings. We don't have, frankly, any idea who was behind the bombings. The Cuban Government has again alleged that groups or persons with links to the US mainland were involved. It has not responded, however, to our repeated requests for substantive information or evidence to support that contention.

We have no information regarding involvement of persons or groups based in the United States, as the Cuban government has alleged. We reiterate our commitment to investigate, if the Cuban Government provides substantive information or evidence, which they have not done to this date.

QUESTION: I understand that there is an investigation underway by the US Government on the bombings, checking out some groups in Miami. Can you expand on that, please?

MR. FOLEY: I have nothing on that, no. I don't - you say US Government, but that's a rather general term.

QUESTION: Probably Justice Department.

MR. FOLEY: You'd have to ask them. I'm not aware of any such thing.

QUESTION: Do you have the name of the restaurant where the explosion occurred last night?

MR. FOLEY: Well, I have the name. The quality of my Spanish is such that I hesitated to reveal it, but it's the Bodeguita del Medio.

QUESTION: Hemingway's - there was an explosion at the - that's --

MR. FOLEY: We have a report, a press report on that, but we have no further information on that.

Mr. Lambros.

QUESTION: On Cyprus, during his --

MR. FOLEY: On Cyprus?

QUESTION: Excuse me?

MR. FOLEY: On Cyprus. I'm sorry.

QUESTION: On Cyprus. During his selective briefing, His Excellency Dr. Tom Miller touched also the issue of the sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus on the dilemma of- (inaudible). It's totally unclear if finally your government supports one or two sovereigns over Cyprus. Could you please comment, since Dr. Miller was not in a position to clarify?

MR. FOLEY: I've not seen the text of his interview. I couldn't answer the question without seeing what he said.

QUESTION: Can you take the question?

MR. FOLEY: I'd be glad to take the question.

QUESTION: And one for the Aegean. I was told by the US official that you cannot comment on the continuing Turkish violations over the Aegean on the basis that you do not have an independent source. I was told, however, that the DOD is in a position to monitor the air activity over the Aegean. And additionally, the DOD spokesman yesterday stated, on the record, that the NATO existing RAP, R-A-P system over the Aegean now is very efficient. I'm wondering, then, why the State Department is not using the data of the RAP system in order to take finally a position of this concerned matter.

MR. FOLEY: Thank you for the question. We've seen the reports. We cannot confirm them independently. If you have questions concerning the Pentagon's information, I'd refer you to the Pentagon.

Yes.

QUESTION: A Bosnia question?

MR. FOLEY: Yes.

QUESTION: I have a question about Turkey.

MR. FOLEY: We'll get back to you.

QUESTION: Repeating a question I asked the other day about a round-up of several dozen pro-democracy activists in Ankara, I'm told today that they have now been - the foreign ones have been deported or expelled from Turkey. Do you know that, one, they were arrested; and two, do you have any reaction?

MR. FOLEY: We saw the press reports that there were arrests. The issue of deportations, I haven't seen. I suppose that's a matter of Turkish nationality and immigration law. We've expressed, on previous occasions, the United States Government's concern that Turkish law and practice not infringe on the legitimate rights of assembly and freedom of speech. We continue to urge the Turkish Government to take steps to adopt reforms that would expand freedom of expression.

Yes.

QUESTION: Could I --

MR. FOLEY: Is this the Bosnia question?

QUESTION: Here --

MR. FOLEY: One question on the Middle East.

QUESTION: Yes. Jim, is there a relationship - it's a double-barreled question. First of all, is the Secretary going to be visiting Lebanon, perhaps? Has the Department made any representations or had any discussions with the Lebanese about the possibility that these bombers in Jerusalem have the same MO as the last bombers, who were identified as having come into the country probably from Beirut, inspired by Iran and possibly Hezbollah, although that's very tentative. I doubt if the Hezbollah would involve themselves in something over there.

MR. FOLEY: I wish I could help you with the second part of your question, but the bombing just took place yesterday. I'm sure the Israeli security authorities are working day and night to find out what they can about it. Really, the question would have to be addressed to them at this point.

As to your first question, there has been no decision on the part of the Secretary to make a visit to Lebanon.

QUESTION: And the last of the three, on Lebanon --

MR. FOLEY: Yes.

QUESTION: -- would be, has the Department made any representations to the Israel Government about the fact that they had an operation going some 20 miles north of their security zone? Isn't that somewhat of a violation of international law, and at this time, very provocatory?

MR. FOLEY: Well, this kind of incident has occurred on numerous occasions previously. I can't improve on the message that I've given from the podium when the question was first raised 20 minutes ago, which is that we hope the cycle of violence stops now. We urge maximum restraint on all the parties.

We had a Bosnia question, I believe.

QUESTION: Right here.

MR. FOLEY: Yes.

QUESTION: As you know, Mrs. Plavsic - this is to clear up something I'm confused about. Mrs. Plavsic recently said she'd fired her information minister, Mr. Tohalj, and her interior minister, Mr. Kijac. And on Sunday, Bill Farrand, the US diplomat who's in charge of Brcko said, told reporters, "we will work only with those ministers whom Plavsic nominated."

And yet a couple days later, US troops in Bosnia turned over a transmitter to the information - to the people under the command of the information minister that Mrs. Plavsic had fired; then a couple days later, the bridge to the police troops who are commanded by the interior minister she has fired.

How do you explain this contradiction between Farrand saying we only work with ministers whom she's nominated and then developments that suggest exactly the opposite?

MR. FOLEY: Well, you're getting into a level of detail where I'm afraid I can't match you. Secondly, you're talking about ministers; I'm not sure that ministers were on the scene. I think the real question is, how do these latest events fit into the overall picture of where we're heading in Bosnia. We're very pleased with the Contact Group meeting that took place in Brussels yesterday.

I spoke to Ambassador Gelbard this morning. He chaired that meeting, chaired it vigorously, and was very pleased with the results. You've probably seen, perhaps, the communique or the statement they issued. But there was agreement - unanimous agreement within the Contact Group to support supervision by the OSCE of elections in the Republika Srpska. We support that. There was a very strong statement against terrorist acts and provocations, stating that such acts will be met with an appropriate response, as envisaged under the Dayton Agreement. There was strong support for freedom of media, and support for the right and the authority of the High Representative to make forceful use of his authority to curtail or suspend any media network or program whose output is in - and I'm quoting - "persistent and blatant contravention of either the spirit or the letter of the peace agreement."

That's an important body, the Contact Group. They're united on these important issues, and so we're looking forward to the municipal elections September 13 and 14.

QUESTION: Well, I don't mean to make this a real complicated, but it's actually a simple point. I mean, are we working with Mrs. Plavsic's people or are we working with the people that she opposes and in fact has fired? It seems to be sort of an inconsistent policy here.

MR. FOLEY: Well, again, you're getting into a level of detail where I can't join you. But I think to answer your specific question, you'd have to refer to SFOR, in terms of whom they were dealing with on the scene, whom they were talking to on the telephone.

But as I said, we - I said it the other day -- we respect SFOR's judgment and the judgment of the High Representative on those matters.

QUESTION: Well, Jim, what is the policy of the US Government, not SFOR, about dealing with the Pale Serbs?

MR. FOLEY: Well, as you know, Mr. Krajisnik is a Pale Serb, but he's also a co-president of Bosnia. We deal with him. We deal with officials in their official capacity. We support President Plavsic. She's made what we believe was a legal decision, constitutional decision to dissolve the assembly. We support her in her plan to hold new parliamentary elections in the Republika Srpska in October.

Yes, Crystal.

QUESTION: So there are some Pale Serbs you'll deal with, and there are some you won't deal with?

MR. FOLEY: Well, I can only repeat, Mr. Krajisnik is currently a co- president of Bosnia.

Crystal.

QUESTION: Excuse me. I mean, as co-president he has no authority over internal Republika Srpska affairs. That is the province of the Republika Srpska government. As co-president, he has to do it Bosnia-wide. So I don't understand quite how you justify dealing with Krajisnik as a representative of the Republika Srpska government on Republika Srpska issues.

MR. FOLEY: Well, we recognize Madame Plavsic as the legitimately-elected president. We recognize that she's dissolved the assembly, and we look forward to the elections. I can't speak for who on the ground is dealing with whom in this interim period, as we move towards what we hope will be elections that produce a new parliament and a new government.

Crystal.

QUESTION: So is NATO giving in to Karadzic and his forces by abandoning the Brcko area? I mean, it seems as though that - the Secretary was just over there, you know, opening the bridge again. What's your opinion?

MR. FOLEY: She opened the --

QUESTION: But what's your opinion of - I mean, NATO --

MR. FOLEY: I can't accept the characterization at all. You'd have to ask SFOR, talk to SFOR and the High Representative. I believe it was the Office of the High Representative which decided that SFOR should come down from the bridge for now. But this bridge was reopened in the presence of Secretary of State Albright. It's something that we think is an important link between Bosnia and Croatia. We fully expect that it will continue to function as a means of transit and communication, and we're going to be watching that very carefully.

QUESTION: Does the United States think it was a prudent decision for NATO to just walk away? You know, Karadzic starts throwing stones, and NATO backs off.

MR. FOLEY: This was a decision made by the High Representative together with SFOR, and we respect their judgment.

QUESTION: Jim, there's one major newspaper in this country which quotes an unnamed US official as saying Washington was livid over the deal for the radio transmitter and for the bridge. Can you clarify?

MR. FOLEY: I can't speak to a report citing an unnamed, so-called government official. I was asked the specific question the day of or the day after the decision was made by the High Representative and SFOR to turn back the tower, under specific conditions, to the Pale authorities. And what I stated, and I repeat now, is that there were conditions that were agreed to, and we look to those who control the tower to respect those conditions. We're going to be watching it very closely.

QUESTION: How is compliance going?

MR. FOLEY: Well, I think, so far, it's been uneven, to be honest. We've been monitoring through the Foreign Broadcast Information Service their broadcasts, and our view is that they have not met all the stipulations. The OHR apparently hasn't gotten its message out. I'm not sure why that is the case. Time has not been granted, on a daily basis, for the opposition, as was indicated. I'm also not sure, and we'd need to look into that, why that is the case -- whether it's a problem on Madam Plavsic's side or whether it is a failure to comply on the Pale group side.

We've noted that the inflammatory language directed against SFOR and the international community seems to have cooled down. We're going to continue monitoring the broadcasts and consult with our allies on the broadcast situation. As I said, the Contact Group meeting last night issued some very firm statements connected with media activities in Bosnia.

QUESTION: Do you need total compliance of the agreement in order to not take it over again?

MR. FOLEY: Well, the North Atlantic Council has taken a decision on the matter. SFOR has authority to act in this regard. Without going any further than what I'm going to say now, I do understand that SFOR has issued a very stiff warning to the Pale authorities that they'd better start complying immediately on the terms they agreed to.

Yes.

QUESTION: This week, a Turkish State Minister, Mr. Gurel, met with some State Department officials --

MR. FOLEY: I'm sorry, who met with --

QUESTION: Turkish State Minister.

MR. FOLEY: Yes.

QUESTION: He met with State Department officials this week, two days ago, I believe. Can you give us who was this gentleman on the American side? And also, what was the subject? And did you satisfied with those meetings?

MR. FOLEY: I don't have details on the meeting. I'd be happy to look into it for you, though.

QUESTION: Thank you very much.

MR. FOLEY: Yes.

QUESTION: Today The Washington Post revealed that a well-known Vietnamese dissident, namely Mr. Pham Kham, was released from jail after serving something like seven years of a 20 year sentence due to poor health. They didn't state any reasons. What is the US position on this case? And how would you comment on the implication that there might be other releases to follow? And if so, who do you expect might be released by the Vietnamese Government?

MR. FOLEY: Well, we were heartened and pleased to receive the news that Mr. Pham Duc Kham was indeed released and permitted to leave Vietnam to join his family.

We applaud this action by the government of Vietnam, and we wish Mr. Kham the best of luck in reuniting with his family in the United States.

The Vietnamese Government's decision is in keeping with our efforts to engage in a dialogue on a broad range of issues and mutual concerns. This step contributes to the overall improvement of the bilateral US-Vietnam relationship.

QUESTION: Also, aware that there are a number of other religious leaders that are still being kept in jail. Are you doing something on their cases, or do we intend to do something?

MR. FOLEY: Well, we have an ongoing dialogue, as I just indicated, with the Vietnamese Government on the human rights situation and issues involving political freedom. This decision, however, to release Mr. Kham, was a decision made by the government of Vietnam; it was not made by the government of the United States, although we applaud it.

I saw reference only in the press. I don't have any sort of special information, but reference in the press to the fact that the Vietnamese Government may indeed be contemplating other gestures of this nature. We would obviously welcome that.

George.

QUESTION: Did you see the reports about the atrocities committed by Hun Sen's people?

MR. FOLEY: Yes, the UN report.

QUESTION: Yes, and do you have any comment?

MR. FOLEY: Well, we condemn in the strongest terms the political executions and violence which have taken place in Cambodia during and since the events of July 5 and 6. We call on the government of Cambodia to take concrete steps to end acts of violence and political intimidation within Cambodia.

Our embassy in Phnom Penh has worked very closely with the UN Center for Human Rights. We find the report of at least 40 extra-judicial killings to be highly credible and well-documented. We strongly support the UN Center for Human Rights and its commitment to investigating violations of human rights, including extra-judicial killings and torture.

We have called on the Cambodian Government to investigate the reports of human rights abuses that occurred during and after the early July violence; and also, importantly, to bring the perpetrators to justice. In addition to reports of killings, there are highly credible reports of arbitrary arrests, torture, intimidation of the media, harassment of human rights workers and other abuses.

Our ambassador in Phnom Penh, Ambassador Ken Quinn, and other US Embassy officers have pressed this issue on numerous occasions with Cambodian officials at many levels, including with Mr. Hun Sen. We will continue to urge the Cambodian authorities to investigate these reports and prosecute anyone found responsible for human rights abuses.

QUESTION: Do you think that Hun Sen played a role in this?

MR. FOLEY: I couldn't say. I'm not sure that that is addressed in the UN report. I'd refer you to the report. I have no information in that regard.

QUESTION: Jim?

MR. FOLEY: Still on Cambodia?

QUESTION: No.

MR. FOLEY: What's the subject?

QUESTION: Different subject - Russia.

MR. FOLEY: Yes.

QUESTION: What credibility do you give to Lebed's charges that there are - that the Russian authorities are unable to account for a number of nuclear - -

MR. FOLEY: Not a lot of credibility. Reliable command control in the physical security of nuclear weapons and materials are of key importance to all nuclear powers. The government of Russia has assured us that it retains adequate command and control of its nuclear arsenal and that appropriate physical security arrangements exist for these weapons and facilities.

I would add that through our Nunn-Lugar and other important programs, that we are working with the government of Russia to further enhance the physical security of its nuclear storage facilities.

QUESTION: Has the US Government spoken to the Russians specifically about these Lebed charges?

MR. FOLEY: What I do know is that we've spoken - we speak to the Russian Government about this overall subject of security of nuclear weapons and materials on a very regular basis. I would be surprised if this has not also come up, this specific report. Again, we've been assured by the Russian authorities that there's no cause for concern.

QUESTION: And the US Government, then, is confident the Russians know where their weapons are?

MR. FOLEY: We believe the assurances we've received.

Any other questions.

Thank you.

(The briefing concluded at 1:25 P.M.)


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