U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Daily Press Briefing (June 9, 1995)
From: hristu@arcadia.harvard.edu (Dimitrios Hristu)
Subject: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE Daily Press Briefing (June 9, 1995)
Office of the Spokesman
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING
I N D E X
Friday, June 9, 1995
Briefer: Christine Shelly
[...]
GREECE
Extension of Territorial Waters; Turkish Reaction .... 7-8
CYPRUS
Status of Special Coordinator James Williams Mission . 8
[...]
BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA
PriMin Silajdzic, House Vote on Arms Embargo Lift .... 9
U.S. Policy on Unilateral, Multilateral Lift ......... 9-10
Ceasefire............................................. 10
Contact Group Activities ............................. 10
UNPROFOR Humanitarian Deliveries; Assistance Needs ... 11-13
SERBIA-MONTENEGRO
Readout of Frasure Meetings in Belgrade .............. 10
TURKEY
Readout of PM DAS Eric Newsom Visit to Turkey ........ 11
[...]
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING
DPB #84
FRIDAY, JUNE 9, 1995, 1:02 P. M.
(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)
[...]
Q It seems like it's getting too warm for comfort in the Aegean
Sea between Greece and Turkey. There are indications Greece --
MS. SHELLY: Summer.
Q Summer, too. But beyond that, it seems like Greece has
intentions to really increase the territorial waters to 12 miles, and
the Turkish parliament just yesterday issued a very strongly worded
statement warning again that there will be cause for war. The recent
Pentagon report, as you know, mentioned specifically that there might be
a hot conflict between Turkey and Greece.
Is the State Department still considering the issue, as it did in
the past, as a purely hypothetical question? Or do we have a new
reading and evaluation on the situation?
MS. SHELLY: I confess that I have not seen these most recent
events to which you refer. We have been over this at several press
briefings in the last couple of weeks or so.
The countries involved have stated their positions before and they
have stated them again in the context of the enactment of the Law of the
Sea Treaty. But I think it's our general assessment that this issue has
been handled in a way which has not been intended to provoke a greater
crisis.
Our general assessment is that it has been handled in a relatively
low key way. It's a sensitive issue. We're aware of that. The parties
certainly are. Therefore, I think if we are to make a characterization
of it, we think the approach has been a moderate one and not one
designed to result in an escalation of the tensions and frictions
between the two countries.
Q The Greece approach is a moderate, low key one?
MS. SHELLY: I think that we believe the way that the parties have
approached this issue has not been undertaken in a way to try to
escalate tensions which certainly do come and go in response to a number
of different issues.
I don't have factual information on the most recent things to which
you've referred. I'll be happy to check on that and see if we have
anything more. But I think generally it's our assessment that both
countries have approached this in a way which has not been intended to
escalate the differences.
Q A related matter -- Cyprus. What's the status of James
Williams' mission on the Cyprus issue with Mr. Beattie?
MS. SHELLY: I don't have anything with me on that today. I'll be
happy to try to work up something for that for the beginning of next
week. As you know, we put out a pretty detailed account about a week
ago or so in the context of a report that was submitted to the U.S.
Congress. It recounted a lot of the detail of the diplomacy.
I don't have a new update on that, but I'll be happy to try to get
one for, say, Monday.
[...]
Q Christine, Haris Silajdzic yesterday said to the Helsinki
Commission and to the press in a photo op he would very much prefer to
have the arms embargo lifted, even if it cost the participation of the
U.N. He said also -- he reiterated -- that no cease-fire was suitable
to the Bosnian Muslim Government; just completely ruled that out.
As you know, yesterday in the Congress and the House of
Representatives, a positive vote for a unilateral lift. Could you
comment on Mr. Silajdzic's statements?
What will the Administration do if this unilateral lift becomes a
compromise bill with the Senate and the House? Will the Administration
veto it?
MS. SHELLY: On the first part, on Prime Minister Haris Silajdzic's
testimony before Congress yesterday, I've seen the reporting on some of
the remarks. I haven't studied the text. But I can tell you, in any
case, this is something in which we would only make really a very
general comment.
We've stated many times our deep empathy for the suffering which
the Bosnian people have endured. The U.S. has taken a leading role in
the humanitarian steps to try and ease that suffering.
We do not support the unilateral lifting of the arms embargo at
this time. Our position on this has not changed. Unilaterally lifting
the arms embargo would jeopardize our credibility with our allies and at
the U.N. It would make it difficult to convince others to maintain
embargoes against countries like Libya and Iraq. It would have several
immediate and highly negative consequences such as an increase in the
level of the conflict with what we believe would be a commensurate
increase in civilian casualties.
It would also result in a likely withdrawal of UNPROFOR, and a
possible ensuing humanitarian catastrophe. As we have said in the past,
we would support a multilateral lift as long as there was a proper U.N.
approval. But in the absence of that -- for the reasons I've indicated
and many other senior officials have indicated -- we don't support a
unilateral lift.
Q What Haris Zilajdzic had to say about "no cease-fire," we
would urge the Bosnian Serbs and the Bosnian Muslims, both, to go back
to the status of a cease-fire?
MS. SHELLY: The cease-fire and trying to get it extended in a more
formal kind of way is something which remains, of course, a very key
objective of ours at this point.
Q Christine, Ambassador Frasure has returned from the region.
Is there any readout from his most recent visits with the Serbian
President? Did he bring back anything from those discussions that are
being considered now?
MS. SHELLY: We announced before that he was coming back and would
have some consultations back here which we have been having. Where we
left things, or where he left things out there, was to signal to
President Milosevic that the Contact Group proposal, as you know, for a
suspension in sanctions in exchange for recognition, that that offer is
still on the table.
I'm not aware of any new communications which we have received from
President Milosevic since Ambassador Frasure's return. But the offer is
certainly still there, and it's something that I think we'll pursue
discussions on at a point where we feel that the circumstances justify
it.
Q Are you aware of any other level of Contact Group meetings,
whether it's Ambassador Frasure's or anyone --
MS. SHELLY: I'm not aware at this point that there are any Contact
Group meetings planned. That is something that I'll continue to check
on everyday.
Q What can you tell us about Assistant Secretary Eric Newsom's
recent visit to Turkey? What was accomplished? Can you give us an
idea?
MS. SHELLY: Assistant Secretary --
Q Newsom?
MS. SHELLY: Deputy Assistant Secretary Newsom. I gave what I
thought was a relatively full rundown on visits to Turkey about a week
ago or so -- maybe that was 10 days ago or so. I don't have anything
new on this one. I'll be happy to check and see.
We do have, of course, political/military consultations with Turkey
and visits out there by State Department political/military officials.
Defense Department officials, obviously, go out there as well, so we do
have discussions with Turkey on a regular basis.
So I would assume that the visit of the PM Deputy Assistant
Secretary was made in that context. Whether we would wish to offer more
specific details on topics that he discussed, I don't know. I'll be
happy to check and see.
Q Christine, also on Bosnia, there were reports that U.S.
troops were going to go to Italy for training as a possible backup for
some either withdrawal or reconfiguration. Now there are stories coming
out that these troops will not go to Italy for the training. Do you
have anything on this?
MS. SHELLY: That's not a State Department issue. That's a Defense
Department issue. You need to ask there.
Q On another related issue. There's also the question that if
the UNPROFOR troops attempt to make deliveries to Sarajevo and other
places, there has to be a certain amount of consent on the part of the
Serbians. I believe the term used is "minimum consent."
The question is -- which also is an item of discussion in the
European press -- what is the date, the final date, where we consider
that that consent is either forthcoming or is not forthcoming and
therefore requires a new contingency in planning?
MS. SHELLY: Your last question is a very complicated question.
It's simply not something that I'm in a position to answer.
I can touch on the humanitarian situation in Bosnia and on the root
question, generally. As I think you know, UNHCR would like to bring in
aid over Mount Igman, the so-called "Blue Route." But at the present,
as you're certainly aware, the security threat is very high.
The Bosnian Serbs, I'm told, promised yesterday to open a new route
into Sarajevo. The details on this are sketchy, I think, at this point.
I don't know if the U.N. believes that it will dramatically improve the
conditions in Sarajevo.
Some convoys got through within the last day or so to U.N. safe
areas. They got through to Srebrenica and to Zepa. Two other convoys,
however, that were also destined for Srebrenica, were blocked by Serb
forces.
The overall situation, of course, is one which is very worrisome.
There has been renewed Serb shelling and sniping in Sarajevo. It's
reduced residents to a state of fear and suffering which is similar to
what they endured prior to February of '94.
Civilians in Bihac and the eastern enclaves are virtually cut off
along with the U.N. forces that are stationed there. The situation in
Bihac is described as particularly critical.
By denying free access to U.N. aid convoys, the Bosnian Serbs, once
again, are using food as a weapon. UNHCR food stocks in Sarajevo are
depleted. The last 300 tons of flour was transported from the airport
to the city's center on June 7. In the next food distribution cycle,
the UNHCR expects to be able to reach only about 15 percent of its
targets.
Bakeries are threatened by both flour and fuel shortages. They
usually run on natural gas but they've had to switch to diesel when the
gas supply was cut off by the Serbs on May 28.
The UNHCR airlift has been down for 63 days now. UNHCR convoys
from Kiseljak to Sarajevo have been down for 15 days. The only aid in
that period was 40 tons of flour brought over the treacherous Mount
Igman route by Bosnian Government volunteers.
According to local estimates, the average household has a one-month
supply of food and reserve. Water has been off for 15 days. Shallow
wells dug by the ICRC have helped somewhat. However, the World Health
Organization officials fear waterborne epidemics due to water shortages
and lack of chlorine tablets.
I think that underscores the necessity of trying to find a way to
get routes open so that humanitarian assistance can be brought in. We
certainly call upon the Bosnian Serbs to cease using food as a weapon in
this struggle.
[...]
(The briefing concluded at 1:36 p.m.)
END
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