Cyprus PIO: Turkish Cypriot and Turkish Media Review, 10-08-27

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From: The Republic of Cyprus Press and Information Office Server at <http://www.pio.gov.cy/>

[A] TURKISH CYPRIOT PRESS

[01] Turkeys newly appointed Land Forces Commander refers to Cyprus

[02] So-called health minister reiterates for a solution by the end of the year

[03] Durduran: It is time for the people to speak

[04] Ertugruloglu: Eroglu will indicate the course

[05] Aslanbaba responds rumours regarding the formation of new party

[06] Monastery of Agios Panteleiomonas in occupied Lapithos is restored

[07] GAU signs agreement for African students

[08] So-called ministers sign protocol with Ege University

[09] TRNC pierces the embargo

[B] TURKISH PRESS

[10] Davutoglu: Turkey not to open its border with Armenia border during NATO exercise

[11] Highlights

[A] TURKISH CYPRIOT PRESS

[01] Turkeys newly appointed Land Forces Commander refers to Cyprus

During his speech, Gen. Ceylanoglu referred to the Cyprus problem saying: it is impossible to separate Turkeys security from that of the Cyprus Turks. The Commander also underlined the need to be cautious of claims that international agreements binding for Cyprus are no longer valid, that their importance has diminished or that there is a need to update them. The main duty of the Turkish Armed Forces, which has a rich history, is to provide security and peace for the Turkish nation and to contribute to its development, Gen. Ceylanoglu said.

[02] So-called health minister reiterates for a solution by the end of the year

[03] Durduran: It is time for the people to speak

(DPs)

[04] Ertugruloglu: Eroglu will indicate the course

(DPs)

[05] Aslanbaba responds rumours regarding the formation of new party

[06] Monastery of Agios Panteleiomonas in occupied Lapithos is restored

Mustafa Kemal Kaymakamzade, director of the Cyprus Evkaf Administration, who visited the monastery yesterday to inspect the cleaning process, said that it is the duty of Evkaf to restore and protect the cultural history of the TRNC, adding that most of the monuments (in the occupied area) belong to Evkaf.

Noting that many of their (Evkaf) cultural assets are in the Greek Cypriot areas, Kaymakamzade said: Unfortunately the Greek Cypriot side does not show the required interest to our cultural property.

(DPs)

[07] GAU signs agreement for African students

[08] So-called ministers sign protocol with Ege University

Speaking during the signing ceremony the rector of Ege University said that it is an honour to share their 55-year experience with the TRNC. Tore said that with Turkey everything can improve and highlighted that the cooperation is important for the development of agricultural, health and lab research. Kasif expressed the belief that future activities will open a window to the world for the TRNC, through the motherland (Turkey).

[09] TRNC pierces the embargo

Mehmet Genc, the head of Turkey's Orienteering Federation, told the AA correspondent on Thursday that TRNC matter was brought up during a meeting of Balkan countries in Turkey last March, and that the infrastructure of TRNC's participation in the championship is ready. They (Turkish Cypriots) can take part in competitions in Turkey and by joining Turkish national teams, they can participate in competitions abroad. But we want them to participate in competitions under their own flag, Genc said.

The competition will take place at Belogradchik city of Bulgaria between September 1 and 6.

[B] TURKISH PRESS

[10] Davutoglu: Turkey not to open its border with Armenia border during NATO exercise

The exercise is called Armenia 2010, it is organized by NATOs Euro-Atlantic Disaster Response Coordination Centre (EADRCC) and is scheduled for September 11-17. Turkish plans to open the border during the exercise were met with protest from Azerbaijan, Ankaras regional ally and a key energy supplier.

[11] Highlights

a) PKK Terror / Solution of Kurdish issue / Talks with Ocalan

According to a report in Milliyet, General Kosaner, addressing a ceremony on the occasion of the transfer of the Ground Forces Command to General Erdal Ceylanoglu, has said that the struggle against the PKK terror cannot succeed without the use of weapons.

Milliyet columnist Fikret Bila refers to the replies Nationalist Action Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahceli gave during a recent CNN Turk programme regarding the frequent accusations Prime Minister Erdogan has been making against him to the effect that he was one of the politicians who prevented the execution of Abdullah Ocalan. Bahceli is reported to have revealed a meeting he held at the time with President Suleyman Demirel advocating the benefit to the country of executing Ocalan. Bahceli adds that at a subsequent state summit he continued to defend the view that executing Ocalan would be the best solution.

The state, the government, and the PKK are well aware that there is no alternative to the democratic overture, writes Hasan Cemal in his article in Milliyet, stressing the need for patience, planning, and determination and urging both sides to withdraw their fingers from the trigger. Cemal writes: First the weapons will be silenced; news of deaths will stop coming from the mountains. In short: No operations, no mines! In this process, in which the link between the Kurdish problem and weapons and violence will be severed, every short, medium, and long-term measure will be discussed behind closed doors. Ocalan, the PKK, the BDP [Peace and Democracy Party], and the Kurdish political movement will be part of this process. Noting that the peace process cannot progress without Imrali and Qandil, Cemal, however, warns the spokespersons of Imrali, Qandil, and the BDP not to get ahead of themselves, concluding: If you express at the initial stage what should be expressed in the final one and if you take in the beginning the steps that should be taken at the end, you increase the number of knots that need to be unravelled.

Even if the Kurdish overture of the government did not serve to advance the solution of the problem at least it served to clarify the political demands of the Kurdish movement, writes Kadri Gursel in an article in Milliyet, adding: Abdullah Ocalan, Murat Karayilan, Ahmet Turk, Osman Baydemir, Selahattin Demirtas and the others... They are saying the Kurdish problem can be resolved through autonomy. The unitary state of the Turkish Republic will lose this characteristic and will turn into a federative structure; the Kurds will have a local parliament, a security force, education in their mother tongue, an autonomous policy, and a flag. The Kurdish flag will be hoisted next to the Turkish flag in the Southeast. Recalling the recent Democratic Society Council (DTK) meeting held in Diyarbakir, Gursel draws attention to the fact that the proposal for a democratic autonomy was stressed in that meeting as well. Pointing out that the Kurdish movement has turned the issue of autonomy into a categorical demand, Gursel argues that the movement has seized the political initiative in the Kurdish issue, adding: So long as the polarization in Turkish politics continues and, what is more important, so long as Turkish politics continues its ostrich approach to the Kurdish problem, the initiative will remain in the hands of the Kurdish movement. The best approach is to draw the PKK to a legal foundation and to subject it to the democratic pressure of the Kurdish grassroots that are in favour of coexistence and not of separation, concludes the writer.

Arguing that the United States handed Ocalan over to Turkey on condition that he would not be executed, Hurriyet columnist Fatih Cekirge writes that the manner in which Ocalan came to Turkey was, in a way, the beginning of a process of bargaining. In his article, Cekirge notes that contacts have been held with Ocalan many times since then, adding: Finally, the state has partially realized that nothing can be achieved with the policies it has been implementing for the last 25 years through weapons, oppression, unresolved murders, states of emergency, the closure of parties, the special teams, and JITEM [alleged intelligence unit within the Gendarmerie]. Noting that the closure of parties and the ban imposed on Ahmet Turk has not prevented him from raising his voice from another platform in Diyarbakir, Cekirge underlines: This is the reality under our nose. Therefore, a search outside the framework of weapons should be sought. Acknowledging that certain organs of the state have conducted talks with the leading names of the PKK, the writer concludes: Can this be called bargaining? I do not think so. The steps being taken are the most strategic and the most rationalistic efforts the state is exerting to prevent the death of its children.

Assessing the statements made by Ahmet Turk and the DTK regarding democratic autonomy in an article in Star, Ardan Zenturk writes: We have understood: Whatever we do, we will not be able to solve this problem so long as we do not implement the concept of a Kurdistan autonomous region. The statements issued by Turk and his colleagues are tantamount to declaring a war to the very end, argues Zenturk, adding: The current picture is that if the demand for 'autonomy' is rejected violence will continue. Defining the current state of the Kurdish issue, the writer underlines that this problem is about the Kurds freeing themselves of those who have seized the right to speak on behalf of them.

The government has seized to deny that talks were held between state institutions and Imrali, writes Cuneyt Arcayurek in an article in Cumhuriyet, adding that high-ranking Justice and Development Party (AKP) officials are now trying to justify these talks by claiming that previous governments had also conducted similar meetings. Ridiculing the statement President Abdullah Gul made to the media on the Kurdish issue as the sayings of Mao that state the obvious, Arcayurek goes on to quote excerpts from readers responses to Guls statement posted on Vatan's website, concluding: We shall see the result of 12 September.

Describing the visit of Kemal Kilicdaroglu, leader of the Republican Peoples Party, (CHP) to the East and Southeast as one of the most important political developments in the political scene of the country in an article in Taraf, Ahmet Altan argues that until now the AKP was the only party that sought the votes of the entire country, adding that had there been a second party seeking the votes of the entire population maybe the Kurdish overture would not have failed. Now that Kilicdaroglu is seeking the votes of the Kurds in addition to those of the Turks the political scene in the country will change, claims Altan, adding: The CHP will be forced to include on its agenda the existence, the demands, and the problems of the Kurds. It will try and find solution; it will put forth new proposals. Referring to Kilicdaroglu's remarks that he is not opposed to holding talks with the PKK and with Apo in the name of peace, Altan expresses the view that the CHP is trying to adapt to the realities of life.

In an article entitled Opposition and conscience, Yeni Safak columnist Yasin Dogan accuses Nationalist Action Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahceli of misrepresenting one of his recent articles in the Star daily as a disclosure confirming that the PKK's latest cease-fire is the result of an agreement between the ruling AKP and PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan. Dogan quotes a passage from this article, where he asserted that the PKKs non-engagement decision was a unilateral move and ruled out any bargaining between the Government and the terrorist organization. He asserts that security and intelligence units can talk with Ocalan, adding that such contact with the PKK leader cannot be characterized as negotiation or political dialog. He also asks Bahceli whether he can say that nobody representing the state, or the intelligence community, or the military spoke with Ocalan during his own term as Deputy Prime Minister before 2002.

In an article entitled PKK has become politicized, Zaman columnist Mumtazer Turkone argues that the PKK has lately emerged as one of the leading players of democratic politics as a result of the Opposition's accusations that the Government has been conducting secret negotiations with Abdullah Ocalan. He asserts that the Opposition's claims have been promoting a PKK strategy aimed at enabling this organization to dominate Turkey's political agenda in the run-up to the referendum. He also asks what is wrong about stopping bloodshed in response to claims that the state has made a secret deal with the PKK.

In an article entitled "Meeting with Ocalan", Todays Zaman columnist Kerim Balci asserts that the Opposition's annoyance with the fact that the state is talking with the terrorist [PKK] might be because the PKK has decided to talk to the real state and not to the deep state any longer. He also claims that not speaking to the terrorists is a modern dogma created by the myth of the nation-state.

In an article entitled The militarys cease-fire approach, Todays Zaman columnist Lale Kemal asserts that the Turkish military is highly uneasy with the fact that the PKK has taken the initiative in declaring the cease-fire and that we should not be surprised if the [military] knocks on the door of the government with a request for authorization to strike the Kandil Mountains in northern Iran, the main base of the PKK.

Under the banner headline, Proof of negligence comes from PKK, Bugun carries a front-page report which asserts that a videotape of the terrorist attack on the Turkish Armed Forces Aktutun outpost in Hakkari on 3 October, 2008, found on the person of a PKK militant, has confirmed allegations that the top command of the military failed to pre-empt the attack despite advance intelligence provided one month previously.

b) Constitutional amendment package / Referendum

Referring to the BDP boycott of the referendum on grounds that there is nothing concerning the Kurds in the package, Star columnist Ibrahim Kiras argues that there is nothing in the package concerning the other minorities either, underlining that the package is full of provisions that will benefit all the citizens of the country. In his article, Kiras argues that the amendments concerning the Constitutional Court and the High Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK) aim to benefit everyone. Questioning whether the alleviation of the bureaucratic tutelage mechanism over the national will aims to benefit only those who are not Kurds, Kiras asks whether opening the path of judicial recourse to the Supreme Military Council (YAS) decisions is an issue that concerns only certain ethic groups. Dismissing the claim that Kurds have special problems, Kiras views this approach as racism and ethnic nationalism. Even if one accepts the view that Kurds have special problem, Kiras argues that the democratization of Turkey's constitutional system will bring solutions to these special problem.

Describing as politically and morally problematic the criticism levelled by BDP leader Selahattin Demirtas against the NGOs in Diyarbakir that have announced that they are in favour of the constitutional amendment package in an article in Star, Metin Metiner argues that the BDP expectation that everyone should abide by its decision is far from being democratic, adding: So long as the BDP does not transform itself into a democratic and peaceful party harmonious with the BDP's own definition, it cannot become a player that can make meaningful contributions to a solution process that is free of weapons. The BDP leader claims that the NGO's do not represent Diyarbakir. Does the BDP represent all the Kurds? The BDP claim of representing all the Kurds is a totalitarian claim that is far from the political/sociological reality. Calling on the BDP to reverse its boycott decision, Metiner underlines that everyone should vote according to his conscience.

The referendum has divided the Kurds as well, writes Okay Gonensin in an article in Vatan, adding: While the BDP side is insistent on the boycott decision, those who are sick and tired of the tutelage of this group have announced that they will vote yes. The group in question is the PKK and organizations that are under its influence. They have a short-term goal; they want the government to make certain promises with regards to the post-referendum period. The inclination among the Kurds is against the boycott and toward a positive vote, notes Gonensin, arguing: If the group is insistent on its boycott decision without taking into consideration this inclination, on 12 September it will have difficulty proving its claim that it represents the Kurds. In conclusion, the writer calls on the BDP to renounce its boycott decision and to allow everyone to vote freely.

Contrary to many others, Vatan columnist Can Atakli is convinced that a no vote will emerge from the referendum. In his column, the writer draws attention to the extensive yes campaign launched by the government and its constant bragging that a 60 percent yes vote will emerge on 12 September, wondering why the AKP is trying so hard if it is so sure of itself.

According to a report by Mehmet Halis Is in Radikal, BDP leader Demirtas, addressing a rally in Mardins Midyat District, has called on the Turks, the Kurds, the Arabs, and the Assyrians to boycott the referendum. Calling on the government to lower the election threshold if it wants the support of the BDP, Demirtas argued that the BDP will win 80 seats in Parliament if the threshold is lowered. Stressing the need for a new Constitution, Demirtas is reported to have said that the BDP will attain a new Constitution not by begging but by resisting. On the issue of democratic autonomy, Demirtas is reported to have said: Turkey will be governed by a democratic autonomy. Let no one doubt that. We will have a regional parliament, we will have urban councils. The regional people will govern themselves. Stressing the importance of holding talks with Ocalan, Demirtas is reported to have said: Naturally, it is important to hold talks with Ocalan. It is important to end the war, to render the cease-fire permanent, and to attain peace. However, on the one hand a dialogue and negotiations should be held with the BDP. Discussions on a new Constitution should be held.

In an article entitled Referendum starts changing CHP, Yeni Safak columnist Fehmi Koru cites some of Republican Peoples Party (CHP) leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu's messages and promises in his rally speeches in the run-up to the referendum on 12 September --particularly his remarks announcing that the CHP will solve the headscarf issue and declare a general amnesty when the CHP comes to power-- as an indication of how the forthcoming referendum on the constitutional amendment package is forcing the CHP to change its pro-status quo stance as Kilicdaroglu tries to establish a bond with electors.

c) Hanefi Avcis book

Milliyet carries an interview with Eskisehir Security Director Hanefi Avci conducted by Nedim Sener, in which Avci talks about the structural change that occurred within the administration of the Gulen Community in 2003 and the reasons for writing the book on the Gulen Community. In his interview, Avci refutes allegations made against the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) regarding the Hantepe incident, noting that the TSK is the most important institution in the country that can block the path of the Gulen Community.

Examining Avcis reasons for writing his book in an article in Milliyet, Asli Aydintasbas explains that those who want to change the anti-democratic structure in Turkey have, unfortunately, adopted the reflexes of the old system as a method to bring about that change. Showing the unfounded indictments, the wire tapping incidents, and the pressure applied on the media as part of those old reflexes, Aydintasbas writes: This is the reason why Hanefi Avci wrote that book. Disagreeing with Avci, however, that the developments that prompted him to write his book are part of a plot hatched by the Gulen Community, Aydintasbas writes: However, I do not think that these plots attributed to the Community are the results of directives emerging from a hierarchic structure within a chain of command. My guess is that Fethullah Hodja is not even aware of these operations; maybe later certain individuals relate to him their own version of the events. In conclusion, Aydintasbas underlines the necessity of assessing the issue from the viewpoint of illegal implementations and not from the viewpoint of the Gulen Community.

Under the banner headline, Avci: A spokesman for the gang, Vakit publishes a front-page report which asserts that the Hurriyet daily is representing Hanefi Avci like a hero over his unsubstantiated allegation that the Turkish police force is controlled by the Fethullah Gulen community in his book The Simons Living in the Golden Horn although the same newspaper referred to Avci as a spokesman for the gang in a news report published on 4 February, 1998 in which it accused Avci of leaking classified Navy documents to the police.

In an article entitled Towards the referendum: Who is fake and who is honest?, Vakit Editor-in-Chief Hasan Karakaya asserts that the timing of Hanefi Avci's best-seller indicates that Avci has used the referendum as an opportunity to get rich by publishing a controversial book. He also cites Avcis remark that Erdogan banished him to Eskisehir when he started cracking down on corruption as a confession that Avci has tried to even scores with the Government in publishing this book.

d) EU visa procedures for Turkish citizens

Viewing the visa procedures EU member countries impose on Turkish citizens and the conditions set by the EU to ease those procedures in an article in Hurriyet Daily News, Barcin Yinanc details the difficulties encountered in meeting the EU condition for an agreement that will enable European countries to send back to Turkey illegal migrants that used Turkish territory to cross into Europe.

e) Stratfor report on AKP and Gulen

In a report in Cumhuriyet, Elcin Poyrazlar details the report prepared by Stratfor on the AKP and on Fethullah Gulen. According to Poyrazlar, the Stratfor report notes the closeness of Hakan Fidan, director of the National Intelligence Organization (MIT), to the government and makes the assessment that the Ergenekon investigation has turned into a tool to crush the political opposition. The Stratfor report goes on to note that the police and its intelligence unit are now under the umbrella of the AKP and the Gulen movement, writes Poyrazlar. TURKISH AFFAIRS SECTION http://www.moi.gov.cy/pio

/EI

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