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RFE/RL Newsline, Vol. 4, No. 133, 00-07-13Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty: Newsline Directory - Previous Article - Next ArticleFrom: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty <http://www.rferl.org>RFE/RL NEWSLINEVol. 4, No. 133, 13 July 2000CONTENTS[A] TRANSCAUCASUS AND CENTRAL ASIA
[B] SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE
[C] END NOTE
[A] TRANSCAUCASUS AND CENTRAL ASIA[01] ARMENIAN CHURCH IN ST. PETERSBURG RE-CONSECRATEDCatholicosGaregin II, the patriarch of All Armenians, presided over the re-opening and re-consecration of St. Catherine's Armenian Church in St. Petersburg on 11 and 12 July, RFE/RL's Armenian Service reported. The church was closed after the 1917 October Revolution. The consecration of the altar and the main church took place on 11 and 12 July during two separate ceremonies in which Patriarch of All Russia and Moscow Aleksii II also participated. St. Petersburg Mayor Vladimir Yakovlev and Armenian clergy from the diaspora also attended the ceremonies. Garegin II said the re-opening of the church will further strengthen the friendship between Russia and Armenia. LF [02] TURKISH PRESIDENT WRAPS UP VISIT TO AZERBAIJANAddressingthe Azerbaijani parliament on 12 July, Turkish President Ahmet Necdet Sezer said that Turkey will not endorse any plans for resolving the Karabakh conflict that are unacceptable to the people of Azerbaijan, AP reported. He also expressed interest in increasing Turkish investments in Azerbaijan providing the country's legislation is amended to facilitate such investment. Sezer also told parliamentary speaker Murtuz Alesqerov that while Turkey is prepared to import Azerbaijani gas from the Shah-Deniz Caspian deposit, it also intends to abide by an earlier agreement to purchase Turkmen gas to be exported via the planned Trans-Caspian pipeline. LF [03] KARABAKH LIBERATION ORGANIZATION ACCUSES AZERBAIJANI JUSTICEMINISTRY OF 'TREASON'The Karabakh Liberation Organization founded early this year issued a statement on 11 July saying that the Justice Ministry's refusal to register the movement is a betrayal of Azerbaijan's national interests, "525 gazeti" reported. The Ministry had ruled that the organization's call for a new war to restore Azerbaijani jurisdiction over Nagorno-Karabakh violates both Article 8 of the Azerbaijani Constitution, which defines the defense of the country's territorial integrity as the prerogative of the president, and the law on political parties, which bars those groups from propagating military activities. The organization's leader, Akif Nagiev, estimated membership in his organization in March at more than 10,000. LF [04] GEORGIAN PROSECUTOR-GENERAL REJECTS CORRUPTION FINDINGSDjamlet Babilashvili on 12 July refused to open criminalproceedings against several senior officials whom the Control Chamber last week identified as responsible for misappropriations within the energy sector that led to chronic electricity shortages, Caucasus Press reported. Babilashvili said the findings of the chamber do not constitute adequate grounds for legal action. On 13 July, Mikhail Saakashvili, the parliamentary faction leader of the majority Union of Citizens of Georgia, slammed Babilashvili's ruling, which he described as proof that "the prosecutor's office is part of the corrupt system we have declared war on." LF [05] GEORGIAN CUSTOMS OFFICERS INTERCEPT RADIO-ACTIVE CARGOGeorgian customs officers found a container containing radio-active caesium-137 on board a Romanian vessel chartered by Turkish Petroleum when the ship docked at Poti, Caucasus Press reported on 12 July. The ship's crew had no documentation for that cargo. President Eduard Shevardnadze is to issue a special decree obliging the owner of the cargo to remove it from Georgian territory. Caesium-137 causes irreparable damage to the human immune system. LF [06] GEORGIAN REBEL COLONEL'S COMRADES IN ARMS DETAINED, CHARGEDThree supporters of Colonel Akaki Eliava, who was shot deadby Georgian security officials on 9 July, have been detained for three months and will be charged with illegal possession of weapons, Caucasus Press reported on 12 July (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 10 July 2000). The three men were traveling with Eilava when their car was intercepted by Georgian road police near Zestafoni on 9 July. LF [07] KAZAKH INTERIOR MINISTER DENIES RUSSIAN 'SEPARATISTS'ESCAPEDKazakhstan Interior Ministry spokesman Argyn Ospanov told RFE/RL's Kazakh Service on 12 July that there is no truth to a Russian press report that two of the men convicted last month by a court in East Kazakhstan Oblast on charges of separatism have escaped from a labor camp in Arqalyk, in northern Kazakhstan. "Nezavisimaya gazeta" had reported on 12 July that the two had escaped. Thirteen people received prison sentences ranging from four to 18 years on charges of plotting to overthrow the authorities in East Kazakhstan Oblast and declare the region a Russian Altai republic (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 9 June 2000). Ospanov said that the East Kazakhstan Oblast Court has reduced by up to three years the sentences handed down by the Oskemen City Court to 10 of the accused. LF [08] COURT UPHOLDS SENTENCES ON FORMER KAZAKH PREMIER'SBODYGUARDSAfter reviewing the court case against two former bodyguards of former Kazakh Prime Minister Akezhan Kazhegeldin, the Almaty City Court decided on 11 July not to revise the jail sentences of three-and-a-half years handed down to them in April for illegal weapons possession, RFE/RL's Kazakh Service reported (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 26 April 2000). Lawyers for the two men, who are members of the Republican People's Party of Kazakhstan which Kazehgeldin heads, said they will appeal the sentences before Kazakhstan's Supreme Court. LF [09] U.S. DIPLOMAT VISITS KYRGYZSTANAmbassador StephenSestanovich, special adviser on CIS affairs to the U.S. secretary of state, held talks in Bishkek on 12 July with Kyrgyzstan's President Askar Akaev on bilateral relations and regional security, including the security of Kyrgyzstan's borders, Interfax reported. Sestanovich reportedly said that Washington considers it necessary to send U.S. observers to monitor the 29 October Kyrgyz presidential election. LF [10] TAJIKISTAN REGISTERS RISE IN FOREIGN TRADETajikistan'sforeign trade turnover for the first six months of 2000 amounted to $728.7 million, which is an increase of 17 percent or $103.2 million over the corresponding period in 1999, Asia Plus-Blitz reported on 12 July. Exports for the first half of this year totaled $393.8 million, which is 31 percent more than in the first half of 1999. Aluminum accounted for more than half of all exports. Also on 12 July, Interfax quoted the head of investment policy at Tajikistan's Ministry of Economics and Foreign Economic Relations, Aleksei Kozlov, as predicting that foreign investment in Tajikistan will double over the period 2001-2005 to reach $170 million. LF [B] SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE[11] G-8 MINISTERS SLAM MILOSEVIC'S CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGESTheforeign ministers of the U.S., U.K., Germany, Russia, France, Japan, Italy, and Canada issued a statement in Miyazaki, Japan, on 13 July ahead of the G-8 summit on Okinawa from 21- 23 July. The ministers expressed strong concern "about the motivation for and the possible consequences of the revision of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia constitution," Reuters reported (see "RFE/RL Balkan Report, 11 July 2000). At the insistence of Russia's Igor Ivanov, who worked to tone down the language of an original Western draft, the statement did not mention Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic by name. Germany's Joschka Fischer and France's Hubert Vedrine stressed that Ivanov and his delegation sought to play a constructive role and show that Russia wants to help prevent future Balkan conflicts. Fischer argued that the statement is "exclusively aimed at Milosevic. Whether you name him or not makes no difference." Ivanov, however, said that the problem in the Balkans "is not something that can be reduced to one question or one person." PM [12] DJUKANOVIC TO RUN FOR YUGOSLAV PRESIDENCY?Alliance forChange leader Milan Protic said in Belgrade on 12 July that Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic would be the "best candidate" to oppose Milosevic in eventual direct elections for the Yugoslav presidency, "Danas" reported. The Social Democrats' Vuk Obradovic also proposed that the opposition select Djukanovic as its joint candidate, "Vesti" added. A spokesman for Vuk Draskovic's Serbian Renewal Movement said that the question of a Djukanovic candidacy will be on the agenda when Serbian opposition and Montenegrin leaders meet in Sveti Stefan on 14 July. PM [13] SERBIAN PARLIAMENT SACKS 16 JUDGESThe legislature voted on12 July to fire 14 pro-opposition judges in Belgrade and two in Pozarevac, Reuters reported. Dragan Veselinov, who is a deputy for the Vojvodina-Sandzak coalition, said that the move is aimed at "turning judges into slaves, whose verdicts will now suit the regime." PM [14] SERBIAN JOURNALIST TO GO ON TRIALOfficials of the militarycourt in Nis said on 12 July that journalist Miroslav Filipovic will go on trial on 25 July for "spreading false news reports" and "espionage" (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 15 June 2000). PM [15] DID YUGOSLAV ARMY PLAN MONTENEGRIN COUP?Federal army unitsin Montenegro went on a high state of alert during the recent emergency session of the Montenegrin parliament and were prepared to move against the Montenegrin authorities if they had called for an immediate referendum on independence, Montenafax news agency reported on 12 July (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 10 July 2000). The independent news agency cited unnamed "important military circles" in Podgorica as its source. There has been no independent confirmation of the report. PM [16] KARADJORDJEVIC PRINCE DIESPrince Tomislav Karadjordjevicdied in Oplenac on 12 July after what his family described in a press release as a long and serious illness. He was the second son of King Aleksandar of Yugoslavia and the brother of King Petar II, who was Yugoslavia's last monarch. Tomislav was born in Yugoslavia in 1928 but spent most of his life in England, moving back to Serbia in 1991. Prince Aleksandar Karadjordjevic, who is Tomislav's nephew and the claimant to the throne, plans to attend his uncle's funeral on 16 July, AP reported. Aleksandar holds a British passport and will require a Yugoslav visa from Milosevic's government to enter Serbia. PM [17] SERBIAN PRIEST WOUNDED IN DRIVE-BY SHOOTINGUnidentifiedgunmen shot and wounded Father Dragan Kojic and two seminary students near Kllokot on 12 July. U.S. peacekeepers found the three men by the side of a road and took them to Camp Bondsteel. They are in stable condition pending surgery, Reuters reported. Bernard Kouchner, who heads the UN's civilian administration, said: "I am not only shocked but deeply depressed that today criminals choose religious men as their targets. It is totally unacceptable that this kind of revenge killing substitute itself for justice," he added. PM [18] MS. KARADZIC TAKES STOCKLjiljana Zelen-Karadzic, the wifeof indicted war criminal Radovan Karadzic, attended a meeting in Pale on 12 July to mark the 10th anniversary of her husband's founding of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS). She stressed that his "work was not in vain because [Bosnian] Serbs have gotten their state," also known as the Republika Srpska, AP reported. "Serbs now live in relative peace, without fear that a great tragedy will happen to them again," she added. The SDS, she argued, "never had any war in its program...or any idea about ethnic enmity." Referring to her husband's indictment for war crimes, she argued that "everybody knows the attitude of the international community toward our party and my husband. It was not something that depended on us, but on the needs and aims of the international community regarding this region." She added that the SDS was "shaken" by SFOR troops' arrest of former party leader Momcilo Krajisnik in April. PM [19] RACAN APPEALS FOR CALM...Speaking in Zagreb on 12 July,Croatian Prime Minister Ivica Racan criticized speculation in the media and elsewhere on possible cabinet changes in the fall (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 12 July 2000). He stressed that such reports are not helpful. He added that he will be glad to discuss the composition of the government with his coalition partner Drazen Budisa when Budisa returns to Zagreb, RFE/RL's South Slavic Service reported. The prime minister argued that he does not want a clash with Budisa. Racan stressed, however, that his Social Democrats will not yield to what he called pressure from its smaller coalition partners, "Jutarnji list" reported. PM [20] ...AS DOES MESIC"Jutarnji list" reported on 13 July thatunnamed sources close to President Stipe Mesic say that he is concerned that the dissent within the governing coalition may damage Croatia's image abroad. Mesic reportedly believes that such publicity is particularly unhelpful at a time when Croatia has been steadily improving its reputation abroad and when the economically important tourist season is in full swing. Mesic hopes that the tensions can be put aside soon and without recourse to early elections, the Zagreb daily added. His aides say that he supports Racan and the prime minister's efforts aimed at promoting political stability. PM [21] NEW CROATIAN BANK CHIEF NAMEDThe lower house of theparliament on 12 July approved the nomination of Zeljko Rohatinski as the governor of the Croatian National Bank, RFE/RL's South Slavic Service reported. PM [22] QUESTIONS RAISED OVER ROMANIAN LIBERAL-APR ALLIANCE...Romanian Radio on 13 July described the meeting the previousday between the leaderships of the National Liberal Party (PNL)-Alliance for Romania (APR) as "a step backward." It said the two sides decided to ask their respective Standing Bureaus to reconsider whether an alliance or merger is feasible. The PNL National Conference on 15 July will take a final decision on the matter. Both Radio Bucharest and Mediafax reported that the APR continues to insist on the candidacy of its leader, Teodor Melescanu, and the PNL on that of former Premier Theodor Stolojan. But the news agency said they have agreed to run on a joint list and that the APR will later be "absorbed" by the PNL. Stolojan did not participate in the meeting but said earlier on 12 July that he is willing to join the PNL if a merger take place. He added that he does not insist on being the alliance's presidential candidate. MS [23] ...WHILE RIGHTIST ALLIANCE MAKES PROGRESSNational PeasantParty Christian Democratic (PNTCD) leader Ion Diaconescu and the two co-chairmen of the Union of Rightist Forces, Adrian Iorgulescu and Varujan Vosganian, signed a joint declaration on 12 July confirming the intention of their parties to set up an alliance by 1 August, RFE/RL's Bucharest bureau reported. They said they still hope the PNL will join the alliance and that former Premier Victor Ciorbea's National Christian Democratic Alliance and other "civic formations" will follow suit. They also agreed to back President Emil Constantinescu's candidacy for a second term and the candidate for premier that Constantinescu proposes. That candidate is incumbent Prime Minister Mugur Isarescu, with whom the PNTCD leadership met again on 12 July, assuring him that it backs his reform program. MS [24] MOLDOVAN PRESIDENT 'NOT RUSHING' TO PROMULGATE PARLIAMENTARYREPUBLICPetru Lucinschi on 12 July told journalists that the text of the law passed by the parliament on changing the semi-presidential system into a parliamentary one has reached him "only now" and that he will "not rush" into deciding whether to promulgate the law or veto it. He has two weeks to make that decision. Lucinschi pointed to the 10 July ruling by the Constitutional Court that his initiative for a legislative amendment enlarging the presidential powers is in line with the basic law's provisions. Lucinschi hinted that he may ask the parliament to approve a referendum on both his initiative and the law approved by the legislature. Presidential Counselor Mihai Petrache said Lucinschi will "almost certainly" veto the law, adding that Moldova is facing "a constitutional clash." MS [25] BULGARIA, GEORGIA TO COOPERATE IN MILITARY AFFAIRSDefenseMinister Boiko Noev on 11 July told his visiting Georgian counterpart, David Tevzadze, that he will propose to the government that it supply Georgia with military equipment that has been decommissioned, BTA reported. Noev told journalists that he has in mind two landing craft for the Georgian navy. He also said that "it is in Bulgaria's interest that Georgia develop a strong and stable statehood under the leadership of President [Eduard] Shevardnadze." The two armies' deputy chiefs of staff signed an agreement on cooperation between their respective Defense Ministries in 2000. Among other things, the agreement stipulates that Georgian forces will participate in military exercises in Bulgaria held within the framework of the Partnership for Peace program. MS [C] END NOTE[26] POWERLESS IN KYRGYZSTANBy Eric McGlincheyKyrgyzstan is increasingly turning to authoritarian rule, but beneath its tough exterior, the country's government appears extremely fragile. Recent parliamentary elections, the OSCE concluded, were marred by a high degree of interference by state officials in the electoral process. And this abuse of power, the U.S. State Department notes, calls into question Kyrgyzstan's international commitments to democracy and respect for the rule of law. But as disturbing as this authoritarianism is, field research in the country's regions reveals something even more alarmingónamely, how dangerously weak and ephemeral President Askar Akaev's authoritarian rule may prove to be. By giving his prosecutor-general and central election commission free rein to intimidate, de-register, and imprison independent-minded candidates, President Akaev undermined the Kyrgyz parliament both as an alternative branch of power and as a credible institution of representative rule. Moreover, Akaev has not demonstrated any ability to effect his desired alternative to representative democracy: coherent, centralized power. On the contrary, rudderless and sitting atop an ethnically and regionally divided society, Akaev's presidential administration has become the sick man of Central Asia. Governments, even authoritarian ones, require legitimacy. By undermining the parliamentary elections, Akaev's government has lost whatever legitimacy it once had. Of course, legitimacy need not always be based on principles of representative democracy. Islam Karimov's regime in Uzbekistan, for example, employs a mix of militarism, nationalism, and state socialism to maintain centralized and often brutal power. Nursultan Nazarbaev's government in Kazakhstan, presiding over a rich natural resource base and the largest per capita foreign investment in the CIS, points to economic stability and a vision of spreading wealth as justification for its sometimes heavy-handed rule. Akaev, however, can rely on neither Kazakhstan's natural resources nor Uzbekistan's ethnic homogeneity. And as recent protests in Bishkek and western Talas show, he can bully but not silence the increasingly restless population. Akaev appears not to understand that his power, propped up in the past decade by Western aid, stemmed from his image as Central Asia's only reformer. As that image dissolves, Akaev's government risks becoming a facade with few constructive links to society. The cracks in Akaev's chain of command are already visible. Terrified that his field officers may seek to defend local interests rather than those of the top leadership, Akaev has attempted to maintain compliance through the constant rotation of oblast governors and raion akims. Over the past two years, turnover of appointed village and town administrative heads has averaged 80 percent, reaching 132 percent and 116 percent in Chui and Naryn Oblasts, respectively. Frequent administrative reshuffling is not unique to Kyrgyzstan. What is unusual in the Kyrgyz case, however, is the state administration's inability to deliver. At best, the Kyrgyz parade of cadres is a local joke. Responding to the author's questions as to the whereabouts of the frequently absent state administrator to Karakol, one assistant asked "who knows?" while another smiled and added "who cares?" At worst, the constantly changing face of local authority is disruptive to the fabric of local society, as freshly appointed local akims are often indifferent to the recent history of their new jurisdictions. The new Kyrgyz akim in the overwhelmingly Uzbek southern city of Uzgen, for example, initiated a street clean-up and thereby tapped the services of local Uzbek school children. In this way, he ignored the impact of such a move on the latent tensions that have existed between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in southern Kyrgyzstan since the Osh riots 10 years ago in which at least 200 people died. By most accounts, ethnic tensions have grown since 1998. Border controls between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan have become increasingly draconian, making Uzbeks in souther Kyrgyzstan feel ever more isolated. Few people in southern Kyrgyzstan believe those ethnic tensions will subside any time soon. A 1998 Kyrgyz Institute of Regional Studies survey conducted among 1,000 respondents in the south of the country revealed that 45 percent of those interviewed in Osh and only 25 percent of respondents in Djalalabad believe interethnic relations will change for the better in the near future. Equally alarming, the study found that only a small number of local Uzbeks and Kyrgyz (11 percent each) believe the state administration has the ability to mediate ethnic conflict should it arise. It is to Akaev's credit that his administration has carefully avoided exacerbating ethnic tensions. In contrast to the divisive nature of the country's worsening poverty and its low intensity border war with Uzbekistan, Akaev's clumsy authoritarianism seems to have given opposition leaders in the north and south a new sense of common cause. In addition, now that the very system of representative government is at stake, the line between moderate and radical opposition in Kyrgyzstan is disappearing. Joint statements by leading opposition figures and parties, backed by sources as diverse as the Russian State Duma, the U.S. State Department, and the OSCE, have become the norm in the independent Kyrgyz press. And although this concern abroad may reflect complex international agendas, the concern in Kyrgyzstan is real and immediate. For the Kyrgyz, representative institutions offer the potential for peace in a divided society. Akaev may have forgotten this, but the Kyrgyz opposition, Uzbeks, Kyrgyz and Russians, north and south, have not. The author is a Ph.D. candidate in politics at Princeton University and an IREX research fellow currently in Central Asia. 13-07-00 Reprinted with permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
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