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TRKNWS-L Turkish Daily News (April 26, 1996)From: TRKNWS-L <trh@aimnet.com>Turkish News DirectoryCONTENTS[01] ANAP-DYP coalition in a deadlock[02] Koc group plans to expand in finance, industry[03] US says it won't mediate between Greece, Turkey[04] EU commissioner 'optimistic' despite bottleneck[05] US judge: PKK activist may be deported to Turkey[06] SyriaTURKISH DAILY NEWS / 26 April 1996[01] ANAP-DYP coalition in a deadlock- To end the coalition Ciller will wait until after the May 9 vote on RP motion for alleged irregularities at TOFAS. First, she will demand an explanation from Caglar, Menzir and Sahin who were absent when the TEDAS motion was put to a vote- Ciller said to be seeking an agreement with the RP for an election government - Due to Ciller's reaction to the ANAP behavior during the TEDAS vote, PM Yilmaz had to cancel a scheduled Cabinet meeting. The coalition, formed with difficulty in 80 days, is on the brink of collapse after remaining in power for 40 days. Yilmaz intends to wait for the DYP to end the coalition without taking the initiative on this issue By Kemal Balci TDN Parliament Bureau ANKARA- The True Path Party (DYP)-Motherland Party (ANAP) coalition led by ANAP Chairman Mesut Yilmaz, seems to have short circuited. Following the early general election on Dec. 24, it took 80 days to form the coalition. Once in power, it took only 40 days for it to hit the electrical TEDAS issue. The Parliament decided on April 24 to form a commission to investigate the claims of corruption in the awarding of Turkish Electricity Distribution Company (TEDAS) projects. And those voting in favor of the motion included ANAP deputies. Under the circumstances, DYP Chairman Tansu Ciller, who was prime minister during the time of the alleged TEDAS irregularities, started counting the days to withdraw from the coalition. Following the vote, the indignant DYP circles urged an immediate withdrawal. Ciller asked them to be patient and to wait to see the outcome of another motion, one involving alleged irregularities in the sale of the state-owned shares in TOFAS car company which also occurred during her term as prime minister. A vote will be taken on that motion in Parliament on May 9. If Parliament upholds that motion too, the DYP will have no reason left to remain in the government. Both motions were presented by the opposition Welfare Party (RP). Ciller holds Prime Minister Yilmaz responsible for the fact that part of the ANAP deputies voted in favor of the TEDAS motion. She sees the parliamentary investigation as a political plot against her. Following the vote, instead of withdrawing from the government immediately, she instructed the DYP ministers to have Wednesday's Cabinet meeting postponed. Then she convened her party's decision-making body, the general executive board, to determine the strategy to be followed. The board accepted her argument that the DYP should wait until after May 9. Meanwhile, reports leaked to the press indicate that Ciller intends to expel from the party three DYP deputies who were not present during the vote on the TEDAS motion, namely, Cavit Caglar, Necdet Menzir and Refaeddin Sahin. If the DYP executive board agrees with Ciller, these three will have to face the disciplinary board. Thus, Ciller's first reaction will be directed at the "rebels" in her own party and not at her coalition partner. DYP deputies say that by taking a hard-line stance against those DYP deputies who have not supported her, Ciller will be splitting the party and weakening her own chances to win reelection in next June's DYP congress. Meanwhile, Yilmaz is watching the developments silently. He was not present in the general assembly hall when the TEDAS motion was put to a vote. In line with a promise he had made to his coalition partner, he urged via Cumhur Ersumer, one of the acting chairmen of the ANAP group in Parliament the ANAP deputies either not to take part in the voting or to vote against the motion. But his call did not prove effective. With this vote Yilmaz has seen clearly that he is not fully in control of the DYP group. Environment Minister Mustafa Tasar, who played a significant role in the creation of the DYP-ANAP coalition and came to be called "the minister who is in direct contact with Ciller's residence," seems to be only leading ANAP figure who has been upset by the latest developments. State Minister Eyup Asik, who is a close associate of Mesut Yilmaz, is full of smiles, making sarcastic remarks. Instead of commenting directly on Parliament's decision, he says: "Our party seems to have become a pro-Khomeini party. Followers of Khomeini observe the ritual slaughter (of livestock) prior to the Feast of Sacrifice (rather than during the Feast). Our people have made a sacrifice of our coalition partner several days prior to the start of the Feast of Sacrifice." To explain the manner in which the coalition seems to be heading for a premature collapse, Asik tells a story about "a person from the Black Sea region," a fictional character known for his stupidity. He says: "An inhabitant of our Black Sea region caused a traffic accident. To those asking him what had happened, he said, 'I learned how to drive three days ago and I never caused such accident in my entire life." Imren Aykut is another member of the ANAP wing of the Cabinet who is not sorry for Ciller. She says that rumors of corruption had done the ANAP a lot of harm in the past, and that she would not want the party to be worn out now by rumors about its coalition partner. Mesut Yilmaz considers "out of his sphere of influence," not only the ANAP deputies who voted in favor of the TEDAS motion, but also those ANAP deputies who, by remaining absent, enabled the adoption of the motion by a wide margin. This is a cause of concern for him as he prepares to seek reelection as party chairman at the next ANAP congress scheduled to take place in June. There are two powerful groups in the party which could create problems for Yilmaz, one of them consisting of new recruits who have deserted the DYP to join the ANAP and the other of pro-RP conservatives. Sources close to the prime minister say that though he had to cancel Wednesday's Cabinet meeting due to the DYP's strong reaction to the latest turn of events, he has decided the DYP will take the first step, if any, to bring the coalition to an end. These sources say that the prime minister does not think that a DYP-RP coalition is a serious possibility. He believes that with the contribution of deputies who may desert the DYP, the DSP could create the conditions conducive to the establishment of a new government. Also, he reportedly believes that if a veritable impasse is created, blocking the other paths, it could be easier for the RP and ANAP to form a government. Yilmaz is reportedly thinking that it would not be easy for the DYP to end the current coalition since the vote on the TOFAS motion on May 9 could be followed up with another motion calling for investigation of Ciller's personal assets. [02] Koc group plans to expand in finance, industryReutersSINGAPORE- Turkey's leading industrial conglomerate Koc Holding AS is recovering from a slump in its domestic market and now plans to expand in several areas including finance, chairman Rahmi Koc said on Thursday. Buffeted by high inflation and unemployment, local consumer demand for the company's core vehicles and household appliance products was sharply eroded in 1994. But Koc said there had been a solid improvement in the company's fortunes in 1995, and 1996 should also be a good year. The company, which controls an empire of more than 80 firms encompassing the Tofas automobile company, domestic appliance maker Arcelik and a chain of supermarkets, saw net profit rise 12.4 percent in 1995 to 3,702.43 billion Turkish lira. Asked in an interview if Koc Holding's year-on-year increase in 1996 would equal or better its 1995 result, Koc told Reuters: "Yes, provided nothing unexpected politically happens...The growth will be healthy at least, at least as much as in 1995." Koc, in Singapore for a trade conference, said the company had still not quite recovered from its 1994 slump but profitability was improving. "We still have not reached our 1993 volumes yet. Although we grew almost double what the country's average was, we haven't recovered yet," he added. Koc said much of his company's future success was dependent on Turkey's domestic political situation, which has been volatile. Turkey is now ruled by a fragile minority alliance of two rival conservative parties which has to rely on the support of other parties to govern. Koc said this provided an unwelcome insecurity for businesses such as his with the constant underlying threat of potential radical changes in economic policy. But he said the company planned to expand in several major areas in the future including banking, where it had targeted a potential Turkish acquisition. "We are going to expand into food, financial services, distribution, tourism where Turkey has a built in advantage." The firm said this month it wanted to buy a private sector bank but denied it was in negotiation with a possible target. Koc said it had many options on a bank purchase and one possibility was buying a privatized bank from the government. Asked if the company had a specific target, Koc smiled and said: "Yes. But I am not allowed to say which one it is." Koc previously made an offer to buy Osmanli Bankasi AS but did not reach agreement with owner Groupe Paribas, which later sold it to another Turkish bank for US$245 million. Asked how much money the company wanted to spend on the proposed bank purchase, Koc replied: "Well, we were going to spend some US$245 million on the other bank for 100 percent. But when the government privatizes, you don't usually get 100 percent. So, it could be more, it could be less (money)." Koc said his company, which is owned 70 percent by his family with the rest held by a foundation, company managers and the general public, may float some of its shares in New York and possibly in another center later this year. The company had planned a flotation a few years ago but this was later put on hold. However, everything was in place for a share sale as soon as banking advisers gave the go-ahead, he said. "It could be this year," he said, without giving details. [03] US says it won't mediate between Greece, TurkeyReutersATHENS- U.S. Assistant Secretary of State John Kornblum said on Thursday Washington would not play a mediating role between nervous NATO allies Greece and Turkey but urged both countries to seek a solution to bilateral problems. "As a friend of both Greece and Turkey, the United States can play a role to facilitate political contacts but will not play the role of mediator. I am not submitting any proposals on any issue," he told reporters after talks with Greek Foreign Minister Theodoros Pangalos. Often tense relations between Athens and Ankara worsened in January when both countries sent their navies into the eastern Aegean to claim a group of disputed islets. A clash was averted after a U.S.-brokered agreement. Washington has since urged both countries to work toward a step-by-step improvement of relations. Kornblum, who arrived in Athens from Ankara on Wednesday, said he sensed a willingness on the part of new Turkish Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz to take positive steps toward Greece, "but we refrained from telling them what these steps should be." Kornblum, who also met Prime Minister Costas Simitis and Defense Minister Gerasimos Arsenis, said he felt there was a desire on both sides to improve relations. Greece and Turkey have longstanding disputes over mineral rights in the Aegean and over the divided island of Cyprus. Pangalos and his Turkish counterpart Emre Gonensay are due to meet on the sidelines of an economic conference in Bucharest on April 27. [04] EU commissioner 'optimistic' despite bottleneck- Van den Broek says that the difficulties are only temporaryTurkish Daily News ANKARA- European Union Commissioner Hans van den Broek expressed the commission's determination to activate the Turco-EU customs union despite the present bottleneck between Turkey and Greece. "Turkey is a very important partner both economically and politically," the EU commissioner said as he entered the Turkish Foreign Ministry. "We are very much interested in the domestic developments, as well as the regional role Turkey can play." After his talks with Turkish Foreign Minister Emre Gonensay, he said that he hoped the meeting between Gonensay and his Greek counterpart Theodoros Pangalos in Athens tomorrow would yield positive results. The talks between the Turkish and the European Commission delegation started cordially but the talking points before the Turkish delegation indicated Ankara's growing irritation with the Greek blockade of EU financial cooperation to Turkey. According to Turkish officials, Turkey has given van dan Broek three messages first, a date for the postponed Association Council should be determined as soon as possible; second, the EU must carry out its financial obligations toward Turkey and third, the EU must refrain from becoming a party to Turco-Greek relations. Acutely aware of the difficulty, Hans van den Broek has stressed in all his press statements since his arrival in Ankara that the European Union was aware of its obligations toward Turkey. "The customs union is working. We are facing certain difficulties ... but I believe these are temporary," van den Broek said, adding that the success of the customs union was important both for Turkey and the European Union. Despite van dan Broek's optimism, the European Union's 14 other members have still not convinced Greece to withdraw its veto from Mediterranean funds despite pressures during a general affairs meeting in Luxembourg. Van den Broek said during his visit he would meet officials of the new government set up last month as a minority coalition. His contacts on Thursday included Foreign Minister Gonensay, Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz and Parliament spokesman Mustafa Kalemli. Yilmaz, known for his bluntness in his meetings with foreign guests, said that the problems between Turkey and the EU "must be overcome." "The Greek blockade has created a serious concern for us," Yilmaz told van den Broek. Today, the EU commissioner will meet with the ambassadors of the European Union and President Suleyman Demirel before he leaves Turkey. [05] US judge: PKK activist may be deported to Turkey'Kani Xulam' means 'Fresh water public servant'By Ugur Akinci WASHINGTON- In a second pretrial hearing of the PKK activist known as "Kani Xulam," Chief Judge J. Penn of the District of Columbia District Court ruled on Wednesday to continue detaining the defendant at Washington D.C. city jail without bail until his extradition back to the Central District Court of California which initially issued an arrest warrant on charges of passport fraud. Judge Penn also reminded the defendant that, since he is not a U.S. citizen but a Turkish citizen, he may very well be deported back to Turkey whether or not he is convicted by the California court. Turkey and the U.S. have an agreement for the extradition of criminals. Xulam has not officially been indicted yet on any charges although he is in jail for violating the law on making a false statement in an application for a U.S. passport. The federal felony in question carries up to a 10-year jail sentence and a $250,000 penalty. Among those present at the pretrial hearing of Xulam on Wednesday, were about five Kurdish activists, two Turkish journalists, a broadcast journalist from Voice of America's Kurdish section, Sister Pat Krommer and Mrs. Kathryn Cameron Porter. Both Krommer and Porter were character witnesses for Xulam at the first hearing on April 17th. Mrs. Porter, who looked rather distressed by Xulam's arrest and detention, and who expressed her willingness to provide a room for Xulam at her home if he was released by the court into her custody, could not hold back her tears at the end of the hearing when Judge Penn ruled for continued detention and extradition of Xulam back to California. Xulam's attorney Daniel S. Alcorn's objection that Xulam must be released since the fraud accusation comes under a 5-year statue of limitations was not accepted by the court. Alcorn, in trying to explain the reason why his client adopted the name "Kani Xulam," said it was to make a "political statement." He then proceeded to tell the court what he said he heard from Dr. Najmaddin Kareem, a Iraqi-Kurdish community leader in Washington with pro-PKK sympathies, concerning the origin of the name "Kani Xulam." "Kani" means "fresh spring water" in Kurdish, Alcorn said. And it turns out that "Xulam" means "public servant" in Plato's famous work, The republic. "Thus in Kurdish the name means 'fresh water public servant,'" Alcorn offered. It does not have a "sinister meaning," he said and noted that in America Hollywood stars and writers also frequently changed their names. But U.S. Assistant Attorney Valinda Jones, arguing for the U.S. government, replied that "motivations are irrelevant to whether one violated a federal law or not. He committed a federal offense nonetheless" and "covered it up with at least four identities." Judge Penn agreed with Jones. Judge Penn concluded that, despite the "great confidence" of Sister Krommer and Mrs. Porter in the accused, if Xulam wanted to flee they had no means to physically prevent him from doing so. If released from jail to Porter's or Krommer's custody, there is "no way to lock him up and restrain him if he wants to leave," the judge determined. [06] SyriaBy Harun KazazTurkish Daily News DAMASCUS- This past Tuesday, President Hafez al-Assad of Syria made a political mistake that may cost him dearly down the line. He publicly snubbed U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher, who was on a peace mission. When Christopher arrived in Damascus on Tuesday, he had been promised a two-hour meeting with Assad, but only after driving to the town with Syria's foreign minister was he told that Assad would not be able to meet with him because Christopher was 20 minutes late. Twice in the past four days, Assad has kept the secretary of state waiting, once for over two hours. A State Department official, commenting on the earlier incident, said that he had never seen an American secretary of state kept waiting in the manner in which Secretary Christopher was being made to wait. Then finally, on Wednesday, the secretary of state met with the Syrian president. It is now well established that Assad has played the "domination and showing who is the boss here" game, Middle East style, by using Christopher's scheduled visits. However, he, too, may be humiliated down the line in another way, again, a la Middle East style, as Gadhafi and Hussein have bitterly experienced in the past. The reality is that Syria is still on the U.S. list of states that sponsor terrorism. They are also known as a distributor of counterfeit Iranian-made U.S. one hundred dollar bills, and of drugs. Syria, all by itself, has managed to become a problem for the United States, along with Turkey and Israel. That is good news for Turkey and Israel. On the other side, life cannot be that rosy for Assad to be able to feel invincible. In a global era when ethnicity and religious differences and conflicts have reached a heightened state, Assad, who is a member of a minority in his country, runs his country on a tight leash. According to intelligence sources, as late as 1994, even the University of Damascus had no photocopying machine, let alone computers, in order to control information dissemination. Apparently, computers are top secret and reserved for missile systems and other secret military operations. Could things be much different a year and a half later? How does the United States handle state-sponsored terrorism and what may the future hold for Syria? Or, on the same subject, what are the options of Turkey against Syria? Recently, in an unrelated talk, John O'Neill, chief of the counterterrorism section of the FBI, offered a list of five essential tools of the United States in dealing with terrorism. These are: 1. use of diplomacy, 2. economic sanctions, 3. covert actions, 4. military interventions, and 5. law enforcement in the country. I posed a question on this point to Edwin Meese, a public policy expert who was President Ronald Reagan's attorney general from 1985-1988. Before 1985, he held the position as the president's chief policy adviser, a member of the president's cabinet and a member of the National Security Council. I asked, what if a country like Syria does not cooperate on the terrorism front? What then? What should Turkey do? His response was: "It is a matter of Turkey cooperating with other countries who have the ability through travellers, intelligence and other means to gain information about that country (Syria)". Meese added that when you are faced with state-sponsored terrorism, it is not a matter of cooperating with others to prevent terrorism, because the terrorist-sponsoring state has already indicated their lack of desire to stop. At that point, he said, it is a matter of utilizing other tools, whether it be diplomacy, sanctions or other types of tools, in order to prevent these countries from engaging in or supporting terrorism. Or it is a matter of clearly showing the willingness to use those tools as a means of convincing these countries to stop. Then he added: "One of the important things right now, of course, is that a great deal of diplomacy is being utilized in regard to Syria to try to get its cooperation in a whole variety of areas there. Certainly, keeping them from supporting terrorism would be one of the tools of this kind of diplomacy that is going on in the present time. I also would suggest that in some of the things happening in the Middle East, in terms of Israel, we see the application of sanctions through military efforts to try to contain terrorism. But the issue you raised is the necessity of the countries that are trying to contain state-sponsored terrorism, working together, so that there is a uniform position on these things. And so that whether it is sanctions, diplomacy, or some of the other tools, that there is an agreement upon them, and a mutual cooperation in exercising the use of those tools." Based on the above points, we can reach a number of logical conclusions for future actions against Syria. However, one major variable is that the personal perception and evaluation by Assad of current and likely future events, and his actions and reactions toward them, will determine the tools used against him. |