MAK-NEWS 23/08/95 (M.I.L.S.)

From: MILS - Skopje <mils@ITL.MK>

Macedonian Information Liaison Service Directory

CONTENTS

MILS NEWS

Skopje, 23 August 1995

[01] GLIGOROV RECEIVED SERECI

In Ohrid yesterday, Albanian Foreign Minister Alfred Sereci was received by Macedonian President Kiro Gligorov. The talks confirmed that the Albanian minister's visit expresses the development of bilateral cooperation and relations, proving that political dialogue and open exchange of ideas is the only true way towards constant improvement of neighborly relations and cooperation.

Gligorov repeated Macedonia's permanent determination for an open and active approach toward the cooperation with Albania in all fields possible. Both Gligorov and Sereci concluded a large degree of closeness in the two countries' goals of internal and foreign policy and their democratic and European orientation. They also agreed on a need for continuous improvement of the position of both Albanians in Macedonia and Macedonians in Albania, to meet highest possible European criteria. Gligorov said Macedonia will continue to create opportunities for national minorities to implement their constitutional rights within the framework of the legal system.

[02] SERECI AND CRVENKOVSKI HOLD JOINT PRESS-CONFERENCE

Following the talks in Ohrid, Macedonian and Albanian foreign ministers, Crvenkovski and Sereci held a joint press-conference to agree that the visit has been extremely useful. Sereci told reporters that the talks, among other things, also explored the situation in former Yugoslavia. He thanked the Macedonian Government on its quick reaction in regard to the provocative decision by Belgrade to settle Kraina Serbs in Kosovo. The decision, he said, is not a humanitarian one but is aimed towards increasing the tension there and changing the ethnic and demographic map of the region.

Crvenkovski said the two sides concluded that bilateral cooperation is developing in a positive direction and agreed to further strengthen it through new forms of cooperation, particularly in terms of facilitating communications between Albania and Macedonia. As for national minorities, he said they could be an extremely useful bridge of cooperation. Sereci, however, stressed that it is Albania's obligation to be concerned with the position of Albanians in Macedonia.

[03] US CONGRESS PRESENTS DRAFT-PLAN FOR KOSOVO

A1 Television says the US Congress has publicized an unofficial version of a draft-plan for Kosovo, as submitted to the Representative House International Relations Committee by several congressmen. The main goal of the plan is to have sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro lifted so that the situation in Kosovo can improve. The sanctions could be lifted even before an essential progress in the establishment of a separate international identity of Kosovo and granting the region the right to self-government or before establishing an international protectorate over Kosovo. Yet, the sanctions will not be lifted until human rights in Kosovo are fundamentally improved, until international observers are allowed to reopen offices there and until the elected government of Kosovo be allowed to carry out its legitimate mandate. Furthermore in the text, US congressmen call on to Yugoslav constitutions of 1946 and 1974 in which Kosovo is treated as one of the eight territorial units of the former Yugoslav federation.

[04] KOSOVO IS A PART OF SERBIA, RUSSIAN AMBASSADOR SAYS

Makpress cites Victor Nurubalo, the ambassador of the Russian Federation to Kosovo as saying at a press-conference that Kosovo 'is a part of Serbia and Yugoslavia and therefore Belgrade has the right to decide where Kraina refugees will be settled. It has to be born in mind that there is an unsettled ethnic problem in Kosovo, but the right remains.' He added Russia will do all in its power to prevent a conflict in Kosovo.

[05] NEW ROUND OF TALKS?

The Skopje daily Vecer announces a new round of talks between Macedonian Government officials and representatives of political parties of Albanians in the country, to start Thursday under mediation efforts of the European diplomat Gert Arens. Prior to the talks, Arens is to meet PDP leader Abdurahman Aliti.

[06] ROMANIAN MILITARY DELEGATION TO VISIT MACEDONIA

Macedonian Defense Minister Blagoj Handziski yesterday received Nikolae Mares, ambassador of Romania to Macedonia. Handziski presented the structure of the ministry of defense and its intensive international cooperation. They agreed to have a Romanian senior military delegation visit Macedonia in the near future, to explore possibilities of establishing defense cooperation.

[07] AGREEMENT FOR FINAL SEPARATION?

Nova Makedonija's corespondent in Sofia reports of an agreement for 'final separation of the Republic of Macedonia from the Serbian zone of influence and elimination of the artificial border dividing the Bulgarian nation into two states.' The agreement is reportedly signed in Toronto between the Bulgarian party VMRO-SMD and 'Ljuben Dimitrov' and 'Pravda', Bulgarian organizations in Canada.

The agreement states the organization's determination to fight for a revival of the pro-Bulgarian atmosphere in Macedonia, unity of the Bulgarian nation, rights of Bulgarians living in Aegean Macedonia, western provinces and southeastern Serbia. Furthermore, they will coordinate actions with organizations in the Republic of Macedonia and before international organizations.

[08] GOVERNMENT BRIEFS

At a press-conference yesterday, Macedonian Government's spokesman Djuner Ismail and Minister of Finance Jane Miljovski presented the Local Self-Government Act and the draft-law on denationalization. They said the former one will be subjected to changes regarding authorities of the Government under conditions of blocked work of parliament and its dismissal. Furthermore, the law will increase authorities of local self-government units in terms of ownership over property and will also introduce a position of a chief architect of a local self-government unit.

The draft-law on denationalization is to start a process of returning property confiscated in the period between 2 August 1944 and 15 February 1968, when a series of laws confiscated a total of 37,000 hectares of agricultural land, 16,000 hectares of forests, 21,000 hectares of pastures, cattle, 286 buildings, 169 economic objects, and a somewhat smaller number of companies. Everything that is not declared as of public interest will be returned. Also, everything that still exists physically will be returned, while compensation will be granted to former rightful owners whose property no longer exists. More precisely, denationalization will include property confiscated by the state without legal grounds; property given up by owners under threat, use of force or deceit; and, property confiscated due to criminal acts of ideological nature. Should the state's financial obligations turned out too large, government bonds will be issued as a guarantee. The denationalization process, Miljovski said, will last one to two years and applications can be submitted only by Macedonian citizens.

Asked what the government plans to do in case Kosovo refugees are sent to Macedonia, Ismail replied that Macedonia will act in accordance with international conventions regulating such issues, just as it did in the case of refugees from Bosnia.

[09] STRUGA AND EMINONU BECOME SISTER CITIES

The Macedonian town of Struga signed an agreement on sister city relationship with Eminonu, a town in Turkey. Besides leaders of both cities, the ceremony was attended by many outstanding citizens of Struga and Eminonu.

[10] OHRID SEMINAR FOR MACEDONIAN TEACHERS IN ALBANIA

The Macedonian ministry of education organized a seminar in Ohrid for teachers in the Macedonian language in Albania. The aim is to inform teachers in Albania of contemporary achievements of the Macedonian language.

[11] VARDAR QUALIFIES FOR UEFA CUP

The Macedonian soccer champion Vardar of Skopje qualified for the UEFA Cup by winning 2:0 against the Georgian soccer team Santredija. Serafimovski and Petrevski scored for Vardar.

MILS SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT:

[12] REVEALING THE PASSIONS - PART II ('Puls', 18 August 1995)

Certain circles, as claimed by some Macedonian sources, are adding to the interest in Tupurkovski by evaluations and speculations with the health of the current president of Macedonia. This syndrome of 'Titoism' and fearful questions of what will happen with Macedonia once Gligorov is gone and who will succeed him (along with speculative rumors of an alleged secret meeting between Tupurkovski and Gligorov at which the latter decided that the 'American' - i.e., Tupurkovski - will replace him) are all a part of political passions awaken to secure maneuver space for the popular 'Tsile'. At the time when the interesting trio Gligorov- Bitoff-Tupurkovski still functioned, rumors said the president sent Tupurkovski to the US as a special envoy and indicating that he will be the successor. Although the source came from only one of the three sides, the trio has ceased all communications.

Ever since his return to Macedonia, Tupurkovski has been apparently interesting for foreign diplomats in Macedonia. Every significant meeting of Tupurkovski is closely followed; certain foreign ministry sources say that senior officials of the ministry have organized a luncheon for Tupurkovski and several ambassadors within the premises of a powerful company.

The very appearance of Tupurkovski and his evaluations in both interviews considerably stirred the ruling apparatus, regardless whether Tupurkovski is considered to be a latent rival or a potential follower. Otherwise, no one would have been concerned with the presented viewpoints of a professor at the law School and researcher of the Macedonian classical history, especially when that person has had no direct political engagement or meaningful party support.

Certain issues Tupurkovski critically analyzed (such as the conservative nature of the policy of equidistance, Greek- Macedonian relations, promotion of a policy of regionalization instead of the official European orientation, the Albanian question and the 'historical agreement') are not merely an attempt to disassociate himself from the ruling apparatus and primarily from the president, but more of an alternative or an attempt to impose a different point of view or even a different, independent political option that would be attractive for the opposition.

Had the government not reacted in any way to the media promotion of Tupurkovski's standpoints, it could have been interpreted as a tacit agreeing and this would radically change not only domestic political relations but also - if not even primarily - Macedonia's international position and status. Tupurkovski's aureole was also formed through direct stimulation by the American factor that even today remains unclear and mystic, although the long stay of this student, politician and scientist in the United States must not be forgotten. Parallel with this, some different American signals, even concrete steps regarding the development of mutual relations, also reach the Macedonian government, but it is not yet clearly determined whether this great power regards Macedonia as a territory of strategic importance or a state with completed international and bilateral subjectivity.

Tupurkovski's revival comes at a time of modestly promoted ideas for begun processes of reintegration of certain former Yugoslav republics. Yet, a distinction has to be made here. Over the past five years, the Macedonian economy and business elite failed to become more radically independent from Serbia. On the contrary; Macedonia's foreign exchange with Serbia is still twice as big as the one with Bulgaria, seven times bigger than the one with Albania, although also significantly decreasing due to the Greek-imposed embargo.

The television appearance of Tupurkovski clearly located mainly the differences between him and Gligorov, regardless of the fact that the foreign policy of Macedonia is also created by the ruling parties. The only more concrete criticism aimed at the cabinet was his comment on the increasing organized crime. Tupurkovski could not blame the president for this because the struggle against organized crime is beyond his constitutional authorities, although a desirable subject of his personal ideas concerning the security system. Tupurkovski suggested that a state committee be formed to deal with this problem, but 'through issuing a law instead of through cabinet decisions.' Such a committee, in the eyes of Tupurkovski, would address Parliament and the public. He seems to be also caught in the trap of the government concept for crime prevention, which suspends all institutions and authorized agencies and throws the ball over to a undefined committee.

And, finally, the government team of three directly replied to Tupurkovski and his open criticism, defending both the cabinet and the basic policy of Gligorov. As if implying that possible candidates for the highest position in the country should be sought from among followers primarily of the Social Democrats (SDSM). Tupurkovski's ambitions toward the presidential position are not to be doubted and this could initiate a final and direct activity of Branko Crvenkovski, as a SDSM leader who is not burdened by aspirations to take Gligorov's place, to start dwelling on the problem of a successor of the current president. The rivalry between Tupurkovski and Frckovski is now definite, despite the fact that they have published a joint textbook for students of international public law.

The struggle for a future president of Macedonia has already begun, regardless of the fact that a formal campaign or procedure is still so far away. Tupurkovski already has the experience of a nominee, gained back at the times when Macedonia organized a referendum on the choice between him and Dragoljub Stavrev for a member of the presidency of former Yugoslavia. Despite the bitterness of his criticism, he avoided the temptation to personally and in a primitive manner disqualify his supposed rivals, which only shows his refined attitude of an experienced politician. The values and stances he stands for is another question. Unlike the political shortsightedness of some presidential candidates, Tupurkovski is quite successful in maintaining an image of a serious candidate; in a manner of a publicist, through his books on ancient Macedonia (the promotion was also attended by Kiro Gligorov), as well as in a manner of a wise, quick communicator and person capable of creating a wide circle of personal acquaintances and reaching the citizens. Some of the latter remember his unfulfilled promises and some fall for his lingual equibrillistics; in any case, the public is already capable of making a distinction between daily flirts and clear concepts.

At a meeting in Trnovo in August last year, Tupurkovski presented four theses as a criticism towards the government: crime, social perspectivelessness, cooperation with neighbors instead of equidistance, and slow changes in the political system. Only one year after that, he adds three new dimensions to his theses: criticism against the state's European orientation and promoting a need for regionalism, his idea for a historical agreement with the Albanians in Macedonia and attack on the stagnation in the development of democratic processes.

Macedonia's official policy of equidistance was also criticized by Ljubisha Georgievski during his last year's presidential campaign. He introduced the thesis of 'active instead of passive approach and reciprocity instead of individualism.' The completion of the study on the European Union, Tupurkovski would say, only shows that Macedonia was wrong to 'believe that problems in relations with the neighbors, ethnic problems, integration and economic reintegration, are resolvable only through a European dimension. I believe we must pay attention to regional aspects...' The dilemmas result from the following questions: could Macedonia go back within the Balkan region, with all its current militant approaches, territorial aspirations, different ownership structures, and attempts to establish pacts within certain military alliances and interest spheres of the great powers, as an alternative to the general European trends of free enterprise and economy, open borders and broad civil rights? Does it not seem that the previous objective criticism of the passive equidistance is being replaced by an offer for a narrow regional communication? And, finally, how would Macedonia resolve its problem with Greece within this regional option?

'What we need is a historical agreement in Macedonia between the Macedonians and all others living in this country as nationalities, that is citizens,' is Tupurkovski's view on a possible solution to the Albanian question in the Balkans which is not to be resolved isolated and outside of Macedonia. Nowadays, at a time when Macedonia has its own Constitution, when there are international standards on minority rights and when the 'all Serbs in one state' idea is currently being dealt away with, this concept for a 'historical agreement' remains incomplete and undefined.

The idea to harmonize relations within Macedonia is probably a desire of each current or potential presidential candidate, as the inner logic of such a person is based on a desire to be a president of all citizens living in the country, regardless of their party affiliations. It was six years ago that Tupurkovski presented this idea for harmony for the first time, when he was a member of the presidency of the then Yugoslavia. Today's expanding of the same idea must be placed within the context of pluralism of party interests, but also within the current process of social differentiation with numerous subgroups, views and needs.

Therefore it seems that Tupurkovski, as well as a significant part of the leading politicians, overestimated the importance of the consensus, since general consensus, as a means of animating citizens, also means suspending the political pluralism of party interests and simplifying election struggle down to platforms of secondary importance.

No doubt, Tupurkovski is determined to animate a larger electorate group. A significant portion of this is also the 200,000 sportsmen (Tupurkovski is currently a chairman of the Macedonian Olympic Committee) who are interested in creating the politics of sports. On the other hand, a group of successful businessmen is also considering the idea of having Tupurkovski nominated for president. The empty space in between is a result of the lack of a firm party structure. Last year some spoke of an idea of Tupurkovski to form a wide citizen association to include even people of different political ideas. His conclusion then was that Macedonia has still not constituted a serious political alternative. A year went by but Tupurkovski is still building his media promotion as a personal stance and position, leaving more space for others to communicate with him than trying himself to get closer to the current political options of either the government or the opposition.

(end)

mils-news 23 August '95